過去幾年來,民粹與右翼的政治勢力在許多民主國家持續成長,尤其是歐洲地區。以德國為例,「德國另類選擇黨」(AfD)以反歐盟、反移民政策為代表,並且在2017年聯邦眾議院選舉中,一口氣以12.6%的得票率拿下94席成為第三大黨,也是最大的在野黨。後續在2021年的選舉中, AfD拿下10.3%的選票,維持一定的影響力。在當前右翼、民粹的政治勢力對民主形成的挑戰中,社群媒體中的臉書成為一個重要的工具性角色。在臉書的經營策略上,右翼、民粹的政黨往往以聳動、煽動的言語攻擊既有的體制與主流政黨,激化..
In the past few years, the right-wing populist parties are rising in many democracies especially in Europe. In Germany, the Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) is known for its opposition to the EU and immigration policy of Germany. AfD has won 94 seats (12.6%) in the 2017 German Federal Election and became the third largest party as well as the largest opposition party. In the 2021 Federal Election, AfD still won 10.3% of the vote and 83 seats. In this wave of populist forces on democracy, social media plays an important role. In terms ..
氣候變遷與能源安全揭示了新一波能源轉型的重要性。在此背景下, 城市作為全球經濟體系的生產、技術與能源消費的中心,其重要性持續提 升。面對氣候與能源轉型議題,城市在何種程度上可以發展出有別於更高 層級(國家、全球)的治理策略,成為學界與政策實務關切的重要課題。 本文以德國弗萊堡市推動能源轉型經驗為例,聚焦於以下討論:城市 或地方層級如何實踐能源轉型歷程?當中發展出哪些地方性的治理活動? 以下本文將先回顧能源轉型與氣候治理相關文獻,以及近年..
Climate change and energy security highlight the significance of energy transition. As an important node of production, technology and energy consumption in the world, cities play an important role in the economic and social transformation towards sustainable energy. It has been widely acknowledged as one of the major issues that cities and local governments explore governing strategies different from the higher governance level (national, global)to achieve the energy transition. This paper attempts to answer the f..
在德國多層級聯邦體制和單一選區兩票聯立制(Mixed-member pro-portional representation, MMP)作用下,聯邦眾議院(Bundestag)與邦議會(Landtag)選舉,常因不同層級間之政治連結(Politikverflechtung),形成相互影響的關係。故選民常將聯邦政府的執政效能,在邦議會選舉中直接歸責於執政黨在邦層級對應的參選政黨,而邦議會選舉因此也被視為「測試性選舉」(Testwahl)。依「次級選舉」(The..
Under the influence of the German multi-level federal system and mixed- member proportional representation (MMP), the Bundestag (the Federal Parliament) and the Landtag (the Representative Assembly) elections often form interrelated and interactive relations due to the political connections (Politikverflechtung) characteristic of different government levels. Therefore, in an ongoing Landtag election, voters often directly attribute the federal government’s ruling efficiency to the ruling party’s standing counterpa..
德國地方政府的行政區域重劃源自十九世紀末,甚至更早以前,不過,實施的範圍有限,而且主要集中在工業發達的魯爾區(Ruhrgebiet)。一直到 1960 年代因為社會變遷、經濟蓬勃發展,機動性的提高,人民對地方政府的要求不斷提高,而地方政府卻因為規模太小、行政能力薄弱,難以滿足人民的需求。而另一方面,由於地方自治的實質內容減少,地方自治的意義不斷被質疑,於是為了強化地方政府的治理能力、提升地方政府的行政能力和效率以及落實地方自治的精神,德國各邦政府從 1960..
The territorial reform in Germany at the local government level began in the end of the 19th century or even earlier. But the scale and the scope of its implementation was very limited and happened in the majority of cases in the Ruhr area. During the 1960s, the social situation had changed greatly, the economy boomed, and the mobility increased; the demand of people for local government had gradually enhanced on the one hand, but the real substance of self-administration had evidently reduced, so that the meaning of self- ad..
1990年統一前,東德由德國社會主義統一黨進行威權統治,西德則為一個自由民主國家,政黨在公平的競爭制度中運作。兩德統一後,政治制度迥異的兩個體系在重整過程中,必然會出現嚴重的磨合現象。不同於以往探究政黨體系僅重視體系內單純的「相關性政黨數字」的變化,與政黨「意識形態」距離與強度的差異,本論文試著從「社會分歧」(social cleavage)出發,觀察德國統一以來,社會結構分歧程度與政黨反應此基礎所呈現的互動關係,並說明政黨勢力的興衰,如何合作結盟或是分裂結構,已呈現德國政黨體系的內涵特..
Before German unification in 1990, East Germany/GDR was authoritarian-governed by the Socialist Unity Party of Germany and West Germany/FRG was a democratic state with a relatively fair competitive party system. Serious conflicts between totally different political systems must have emerged when they started to become a unified state. Differing from the traditional approach to studying party systems through party numbers and ideologies, the author will, through “social cleavage,” examine how German parties reflect the change of ..
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