德國地方政府的行政區域重劃源自十九世紀末,甚至更早以前,不過,實施的範圍有限,而且主要集中在工業發達的魯爾區(Ruhrgebiet)。一直到 1960 年代因為社會變遷、經濟蓬勃發展,機動性的提高,人民對地方政府的要求不斷提高,而地方政府卻因為規模太小、行政能力薄弱,難以滿足人民的需求。而另一方面,由於地方自治的實質內容減少,地方自治的意義不斷被質疑,於是為了強化地方政府的治理能力、提升地方政府的行政能力和效率以及落實地方自治的精神,德國各邦政府從 1960 年代中期以後,開始進行行政區域改革。本文即是要探討德國在進行行政區域改革時所面臨的種種問題,包括:為什麼需要這麼做?有什麼選擇方案?會有哪些困難要面對? 如何減少阻礙?執行效果如何?這些都是本文試圖探討的。最後本文將以德國的行政區域改革為例,探討在台灣的應用可能。
The territorial reform in Germany at the local government level began in the end of the 19th century or even earlier. But the scale and the scope of its implementation was very limited and happened in the majority of cases in the Ruhr area. During the 1960s, the social situation had changed greatly, the economy boomed, and the mobility increased; the demand of people for local government had gradually enhanced on the one hand, but the real substance of self-administration had evidently reduced, so that the meaning of self- administration was constantly challenged on the other hand. Therefore it was necessary to reform the original territories of local government in order to improve the ability of governance and efficiency and the effect of local government and furthermore to fulfill the spirit of self-administration. That is the reason why the States of Germany began to carry out a territorial reform in the municipalities, rural districts and urban districts all over the country in the middle of the 1960s. This article explores the relevant issues on the territorial reform at the level of local government in Germany, for instance, the difficulties and the results of the reform as well as how to overcome these obstacles.
民主黨於 2009 年的眾議院選舉中大勝,取代自民黨執政,然而也在 3 年後的選舉中大敗而結束政權。「民主黨政權為何失敗?」成為研究現代日本政治變動的新題材。既有的研究主要從政治主導的失敗、首相領導權的不足,以及政權公約的挫折來分析,本文則從「分立國會」的新觀點來分析,論述在「分立國會」架構下,參議院如何透過「特例公債法案」的審查,來影響民主黨政權的重要政策與政權運作。 本文研究結果發現,以往被視為眾議院輔助角色的參議院,其影響力已經不..
The Democratic Party of Japan(DPJ)won a landslide victory in the election of House of Representatives in 2009, replacing the Liberal Democratic Party(LDP)as the ruling party, but abruptly terminated due to an overwhelming defeat in another election three years later. Why did the DPJ fail? This question has become a striking issue of modern political science in Japan. Existing studies mainly focus on perspectives such as defeat of political dominance, inadequacy of prime minister’s leadership, or failure of Manifesto. Th..
拉丁美洲許多國家在第三波民主化浪潮中歷經政體轉型,在比較政治學界中為一重要的研究課題。有別於既有文獻從總體層次、或是國際層次的因素來探討政體變遷,本論文主張跨國人權非政府組織網絡對於民主轉型具有重要的促進效果。本研究以拉丁美洲18個威權體制(1969∼1995) 的資料為基礎,運用量化方法對於上述主張進行系統性的驗證。本研究的實證分析顯示,在其他條件不變的情況下,一個威權國家若有愈密集的跨國人權非政府組織動員網絡,則該國愈有可能歷經民主轉型。綜合而言,本論文的創新之處在於透過嚴謹..
The regime change of many Latin American countries under the Third Wave of democratization has been a crucial topic in the field of comparative politics. Unlike previous literature that examines how democratic transition is shaped by macro-level or international-level factors, this study argues that transnational human rights NGOs networks play a significant factor in promoting democratic transition. Using data of 18 authoritarian regimes in Latin America between 1969 and 1995, the quantitative analysis demonstrates that a higher level of t..
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