本研究目的在建立美國傳統戰略模糊與臺灣避險策略間之理論關聯性。主要假設當臺灣從美國獲得較多且明確之安全承諾時，將可能更依賴美國安全保護傘，進而降低自身制定外交政策之自主與靈活性。過去數十年，華盛頓持續且長期的安全承諾，即有可能限制臺灣的避險策略選擇。本研究的實證證據，主要探討川普與拜登政府任內，華府戰略模糊逐漸轉變為戰略清晰下，臺北在美中兩強之間的外交政策。此外，藉由將避險的理論「模型化」，並區別避險與樞紐的關係，是本文另一個研究貢獻。

The study aims to establish a theoretical connection between strategic ambiguity and hedging policy. The assumption is that as Taiwan receives more security assurance and clarity from the United States, it may rely more on the U.S. security umbrella, reducing its autonomy and flexibility in crafting its foreign policy. Over time, consistent and prolonged security commitments from the United States could limit Taiwan’s hedging options, as it increasingly aligns with the U.S. position. The empirical evidence in this article explores how..

本文研究同時具有「北約組織」和「歐盟」會員國身分的歐洲國家與中國之間的關係。同時具有這兩個會員國身分的國家，除了是歐洲「最為民主」和「最具安全保障」的國家之外，也因為須配合這兩個國際建制的官方立場，因而在理論上應該要對中國採取方向一致的經濟、外交和安全政策。然而，近年來，隨著「美國對中政策的轉變」、「歐盟在移民和經濟議題上的分裂」，以及「北約組織各國在安全議題上的分歧」，中國對歐洲國家「分而治之」的爭議也浮上檯面。在經濟和安全皆有保障的情況之下，是否有什麼系統性的因素可以解釋歐洲各國與中..

This paper examines the relationships between China and the European countries that hold dual membership in both NATO and EU. These countries, being among the most democratic and secure in Europe, are theoretically expected to adopt consistent economic, diplomatic, and security policies toward China in line with the official positions of these two international institutions. However, in recent years, shifts in U.S. policy towards China, divisions within the EU on migration and economic issues, and security disagreements within NATO have bro..

作為太平洋島國地區成員之一的索羅門群島，近年和美國、中國、澳洲等國家皆往來密切，成為各方積極拉攏的合作對象，其外交動向備受國際社會矚目。本文運用國際關係研究中的「避險戰略」分析索羅門群島外交政策，該戰略建議現代國家面臨利害交錯的複雜情境時，宜跳脫傳統的「平衡／扈從」二分思維，改以雙向投注作法同時迴避安全損害及利益損失風險。研究結果顯示索羅門群島雖是發展程度低落且國內情勢不穩的小型島國，卻能在美中競逐的混沌局面中靈活遊走，同步交好各方以擴大外部援助、增進國家安全並提升國際地位，其外交施政體..

As a member of the Pacific Islands region, the Solomon Islands has developed close ties with countries such as the United States, China, and Australia in recent years, making itself an actively courted partner of relevant countries, its diplomatic orientation therefore attracted the attention of the international community. This article used the “hedging strategy” in international relations studies to analyze the foreign policy of the Solomon Islands. The research of “hedging strategy” suggests modern countries shoul..

本研究主要探索新冠疫情對中國一帶一路的影響，並進一步分析中國 對東南亞國家的防疫外交。本文分為四個部分，第一部份是為前言，說明 研究旨趣與架構，並就與本研究旨趣相關之文獻進行回顧；第二部分聚焦 於疫情爆發之的合作實踐。然而，這兩個特徵放在與東協國家具體互動中確實也出現若 干問題；本研究除了進一步探索之，並試圖提供解釋，且於結語處提出六 項研究發現。後，論及疫情衝擊一帶一路的國際輿論與觀點。再者，本文 於第三部分延續檢視疫情期間中國對鄰近區域（東南亞國家）的防疫外交 工作是否符合中國整體外..

This study mainly explores the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), and further analyzes China’s pandemic prevention diplomacy (PPD) towards Southeast Asian countries. This study i neighboring countries mainly responded to the long-existing strategic priority of China’s foreign policy guidelines, that is, to prioritize the neighbors as the f irst principle, while the second to implement collaboration in accordance to the differentiated relationships among partner countries. However, im..

近年來國際關係理論面臨可能終結的危機，國際關係理論的三大典範：現實主義、自由主義與建構主義的發展呈現停滯的狀態，理論與政策應用之間的鴻溝也逐漸加深，以中程理論為導向的經驗研究逐漸取代了傳統國際關係理論強調通則化與系統性的分析架構。儘管國際關係理論仍有其重要性，但不論現實主義、自由主義與建構主義皆沒有預測到中國的崛起對國際政治所造成的變化，美國學界也開始反思過去對華交往政策的國際關係理論基礎。就臺灣的研究者而言，隨著從事中國大陸研究的限制增加，研究中國外交是否還能像過去那樣地依賴國際關係理..

In recent years, international relations theory has faced a potential crisis of obsolescence. The development of the three major paradigms—realism, liberalism, and constructivism—has stagnated, and the gap between theory and policy implications has widened. Empirical research guided by middle-range theories are replacing traditional international relations theory that emphasize generalization and systematic frameworks. Although international relations theory remains important, neither realism, liberalism, nor constructivism have..