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搜尋結果 : 和"外交"有關的資料, 共有241筆
研究中國外交還需要國際關係理論嗎?
Do We Still Need International Relations Theory to Study Chinese Foreign Policy?
張廖年仲
即將出版
63卷2期(2024/06/01)

近年來國際關係理論面臨可能終結的危機,國際關係理論的三大典範:現實主義、自由主義與建構主義的發展呈現停滯的狀態,理論與政策應用之間的鴻溝也逐漸加深,以中程理論為導向的經驗研究逐漸取代了傳統國際關係理論強調通則化與系統性的分析架構。儘管國際關係理論仍有其重要性,但不論現實主義、自由主義與建構主義皆沒有預測到中國的崛起對國際政治所造成的變化,美國學界也開始反思過去對華交往政策的國際關係理論基礎。就臺灣的研究者而言,隨著從事中國大陸研究的限制增加,研究中國外交是否還能像過去那樣地依賴國際關係理..

In recent years, international relations theory has faced a potential crisis of obsolescence. The development of the three major paradigms—realism, liberalism, and constructivism—has stagnated, and the gap between theory and policy implications has widened. Empirical research guided by middle-range theories are replacing traditional international relations theory that emphasize generalization and systematic frameworks. Although international relations theory remains important, neither realism, liberalism, nor constructivism have..

新世紀日本的太空發展:以太空外交和軍民兩用觀點為主
The Space Development of Japan in New Era: Perspectives of Space Diplomacy and Dual Use Technology
鄭子真(Tzu-Chen Cheng)
62卷2期(2023/06/01)

現代科技日新月異,人類的太空活動也展現迥異於以往的面貌。太空科技不僅延伸到宇宙,另一方面也深入地表影響人類生活,諸如衛星傳送、新創產業、軍事技術等。連結虛擬和現實的宇宙空間,現行國際法必須處理嶄新議題的太空垃圾、太空國際法制化、太空資產保護等。同時間,從太空發射的低軌衛星訊息傳送、氣象觀測、衛星遙測等,也與一國內的太空法規範息息相關。這些都挑戰目前主權國家在國際社會的行為,以及在國內制定太空政策的想像。本文取日本太空發展之例,從公共財理論的概念分析太空集體財和私有財的內涵。發現由於太空的..

Modern technology is advancing with each passing day, and human space activities are also showing a completely different appearance from the past. Aerospace technology not only extends to the universe, but also profoundly affects human daily life, such as satellite transmission, emerging industries, and military technology. In order to regulate these human activities in space, the current international law must deal with new issues such as space junk, international legalization of space, and protection of space assets. At the same time, low..

中國的多邊外交: 台灣學術社群研究之比較分析
China’s Multilateral Diplomacy: Researches of the Taiwanese academic society in comparative aspects
冷則剛(Tse-Kang Leng)賴潤瑤(Christina Lai)
62卷1期(2023/03/01)

本文的主要目的在瞭解台灣學者如何研究中國的多邊外交,研究成果展現了哪些特色,以及與國際學術界研究此一議題的連結。有關台灣學者研究成果收錄的範疇,則主要以2012年之後的著作為主。本文首先就中國官方及學術界,以及國際學術社群,針對中國多邊外交概念及理論架構的研究,以及政策與執行層面的分析,作一整理爬梳。接下來則探討台灣學者對中國多邊外交的總體性研究,作出了何種貢獻,其與國際關係中多邊外交分析傳統的關聯性如何。此外,本文也針對中國多邊外交的個案,探討台灣學者研究成果與國際學術界研究取向之異同..

The purposes of this study are to understand the approaches adopted by the Taiwanese scholars to research on China’s multilateral diplomacy, major characteristics of research results, and the linkages with the international academic society. The scope of analysis is limited to research publications after 2012. This paper first explores major theoretical concepts adopted by international and mainland Chinese academics on China’s multilateral diplomacy, followed by the analysis of research outputs on policy implementation and prac..

歷史的終結?歐俄競爭下中東歐國家與俄國之間外交政策利益相似程度之變化 (2000~2018)
The End of History? Changes in the Degree of Foreign Policy Similarity Between 16 Central and Eastern European Countries and Russia Amid the Russia-EU Competition (2000-2018)
薛健吾(Chien-wu Alex Hsueh)
59卷4期(2020/12/01)

近年來,隨著歐盟和北約組織的東擴與俄國的再度興起,位處西方民主國家與俄國之間「地緣斷層線」上的中東歐國家對俄國「抗衡或扈從」 的議題又再度浮上檯面。相關文獻指出,中、小國家與大國之間的利益相似程度,是決定其對該大國選擇「抗衡或扈從」關係的關鍵前提條件,據此,本文探討在這個「地緣斷層線」上16個曾具有相似背景的前「東方集團」的中東歐國家與俄國之間在外交政策利益相似程度上的變化。以近年來在各國所發生的事件為基礎,本文發現,經濟危機和民主退化的問題, 在近年來開始威脅著這些中東歐國家的傳統政黨..

Due to the eastern expansion of EU and NATO and the resurgence of Russia under Putin’s leadership, how the Central and Eastern European fault line states chose between balancing and bandwagoning toward Russia has become a salient issue in contemporary international relations studies. This article investigates changes in the degree of policy similarity between 16 former “Eastern Bloc” Central and Eastern European States and Russia. The rationale for this study is that previous studies demonstrated that this issue is the key..

試探美國外交政策訊號之操作:以 2012~16 年美國在南海爭議和 APEC 承諾為例
Understanding U.S. Foreign Policy Signals: Evidence from 2012 - 2016 U.S. Involvement in South China Sea Disputes and APEC Commitments
黃偉峰(David W. F. Huang)
57卷3期(2018/09/01)

美國如何操作外交政策訊號而使其政策意圖能夠被正確解讀呢?過去研究探討美國外交政策是否因「聽眾成本」大小而變得可信。但對於美國政府如何操作外交政策訊號卻未有系統性研究。本文介紹過去學界引用賽局理論所推演出的兩項假設。即在高賭注系列事件上,美國外交政策訊號呈現正反夾雜,混淆不一的現象。而在低賭注系列事件,美國政策訊號則呈現重複敘述,單調一致的現象。本文以美國在南海島礁爭議,以及其在 APEC 承諾的系列事件為例,試圖檢證上述兩項假設。本文發現就此兩系列案例,美國..

How does the U.S. manage its foreign policy signals to ensure its intentions are read correctly? Scholars have invoked the concept of ‘audience cost’ to explain credibility of leaders’ threats and policy signals. However, no systematic study has been undertaken on how the U.S. government manages its foreign policy signals. By employing two hypotheses developed by a scholar of signaling games, this paper attempts to examine how the U.S. manipulates policy signals to allow its intentions to be read correctly. ..

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