國際關係理論的第三次大辯論中，廣為人知的是(新)自由主義與 (新)現實主義的辯論，較少為人關注的是實證主義與後實證主義之間的後設理論爭論，以及因此引發的後設理論研究爭議。後實證主義質疑既有國際關係理論的本體與知識基礎，更使國際關係學者質疑到底後設理論研究是否有助於國際關係理論與實務的研究。後實證主義關注的是後設理論層次而非實質理論層次，後設理論是(國際關係)理論的理論(a theory of theory)或是有關(國際關係)理論的理論(a theory a..

In the third Great Debate in International Relations, the debate between (Neo)Realism and(Neo)Liberalism has been well known; whereas the metatheoretical debate between Positivism and Postpositivism have been ignored. Postpositivism questioned the ontological and epistemological foundations of the established International Relations theory. It has caused the scholars to wonder whether metatheoretical researches exert positive incluences on theories and practices of International Relations. Postpositivism is concerned with the..

本文主張新古典現實主義不宜再度檢視國內層次的眾多因素與變項，而應從實然的角度來思考國家如何評估威脅、國家如何選擇外交政策的類型。本文說明新古典現實主義並非為解決異例(anomaly)誕生，而是將非體系與理念因素納入體系理論的邏輯之中，也就是將國內層次因素解讀為決策者對壓力的反應類型，亦即決策者會評估並判斷應採取何種類型之外交政策。而根據決策者對國際壓力的知覺(perception)，以及對於國內政治的評估 (calculation)，本文整理出國家具有制衡、..

This article criticizes the inappropriateness of neoclassical realism in evaluating factors and variables at the domestic level. Instead, the manner of which states assess threats and choose types of foreign policy should be based on empirical methods. The authors explain that neoclassical realism is not a result of solving anomaly but that it combines non-structural and ideational factors into the logic of the system theory. Factors at the domestic level are supposed to be systematically categorized and simplified by types o..

本文檢視全世界民主國家在不同總統與國會選制的搭配組合下，政黨體系有何不同。本文發現，就國會選制而言，國會選舉採比例代表制的國家， 其國會有效政黨數在整體上明顯多於國會選舉採單一選區相對多數制的國家;而不論是國會選舉採比例代表制或是採單一選區相對多數制的國家，有總統直選制度之國家的國會有效政黨數，明顯少於無總統直選制度的國家。 進一步言，在國會選舉採比例代表制的國家中，若總統選舉採相對多數制，其國會有效政黨數會少於總統選舉採兩輪決選制的國家;不過，在國會選舉採..

This study comprehensively observes the party system under different collocations of presidential and parliamentary electoral system in democracies all over the world. Regarding parliamentary electoral system, it is found that the effective number of parliamentary parties in the countries adopting proportional representation system(PR), overall, is apparently larger than that in countries adopting plurality with single-member-district system(SMD), and that in countries holding direct presidential elections is clearly smaller ..

法國與臺灣的政府體制都屬於半總統制，法國的憲政經驗中曾出現過三次的「左右共治」，臺灣的憲政經驗中卻從未出現過「藍綠共治」，何以如此?這是本文欲探討的課題。本文藉助賽局理論作為分析工具，探討制度安排如何影響行動者間的策略互動，以致最後產生了共治與否的差異。法國與臺灣擁有不同的選舉制度和不同的國會保障機制，在兩種制度因素的交互作用下，會引導分屬不同政黨陣營的總統和國會多數產生不同的政治計算與策略互動，最終導致法國出現「左右共治」，臺灣卻沒有出現「藍綠共治」。 ..

Both France and Taiwan’s political systems are semi-presidential. However, “cohabitation” in French constitutional experience has occurred three times while Taiwan has never seen “cohabitation” until now. Finding the reason for this difference is the central question of this paper. By using the game theory as an analysis tool, the paper explores how the institutional design influences the actors’ strategic interactions, which underlies the discrepancy between France and Taiwan in “coh..

混合式選制融合了多數決與比例代表兩種選制的精神，不過關於此種選制兩票架構對投票的影響，有兩種截然不同的主張:一是認為兩票各自獨立運作，其影響可以獨立估算;另一派則主張兩票抉擇會相互影響，亦即具有所謂連動效果(interaction effects，或稱感染效果 contamination effects)的存在，因此必須綜合考量兩票架構的互動關係。而在日本施行的混合選制，又因允許候選人在兩種選票間重複提名，更使得其兩票間的連動關係益形複雜。 ..

The Mixed Electoral System combines the spirits of plurality and proportional representation. The way two-ballot structure influencing the voting behavior however is not settled. Of the two distinctive schools, one believed that two ballots work separately and therefore, their influences should be estimated independently. The other group advocated the existence of contamination effects (or interaction effects), and believed that it is necessary to consider the interaction between two ballots. As for the Mixed- Member Majorita..