2008 年 9 月，美國、玻利維亞及委內瑞拉三國爆發令周邊國家擔憂的嚴重外交衝突事件。這個緊張情勢雖然在三方決定自我克制的情況下，除了相互驅逐大使，情勢並未惡化，但三方何以採取如此克制的作為，是筆者欲在本文探討的議題。本文利用傑維斯(Robert Jervis)1976年書中所提出決策者的認知、對他國意向的解讀、敵意的高低等認知心理途徑的核心概念，檢視 2008 年美、玻、委三國外交衝突事件中，三方究竟本於何種的利益考量或計算，才做出相互克制以緩解衝突的決..

In September 2008, there was a serious diplomatic confrontation involving the United States, Bolivia, and Venezuela that alarmed other countries in the Western Hemisphere. The decision to exercise self-restraint on all sides meant that action was limited to the mutual expulsion of ambassadors and the crisis did not escalate. In this paper, the author studies why the three countries exercised such self-restraint. Robert Jervis’ core concepts of policymakers’ perceptions, the understanding of other countries’ ..

在美國歷史上所簽訂的 14 項 FTA 中，NAFTA 與 CAFTA-DR 最能展現總統與國會在 FTA 政策制訂上所扮演角色與影響決策的程度，故本文以此兩項 FTA 作為研究美國 FTA 決策主體的案例。研究發現，在對外政策的決策主體的三種不同的模式:總統主導模式、國會主導模式與互動模式中，總統模式最能解釋美國 FTA 政策。總統具有龐大的國內外行政資源與政黨力量，可以干預國會的決策並改變個別議員的投票傾向，在不影響 FTA 基本內涵與目的下促使國會通過..

Among all 14 FTA’s signed by the U.S. in history, NAFTA and CAFTA-DR - selected by this paper as cases to identify the entity that owns the power of dominating the U.S. FTA policy - most represent the dynamics and impacts of President and Congress on the FTA policy formation. The research shows that among the three models of decision-making entities of foreign policy - President, Congress, and Interaction, the President model best explains the decision-making of FTA policies. President controls enormous external and int..

本文分析美國貿易授權法時期(2002~2007年)FTA的簽訂策略。影響 美國簽訂FTA策略的因素大致可分為外在因素與國內因素兩類。外在因素包括了九一一恐怖攻擊事件、中國崛起、東亞經濟整合、歐盟東擴、WTO 談判受挫、FTA盛行，以及歐盟與中國在拉美的勢力逐漸擴張等因素。國內因素則是由於貿易授權法的通過，國會進一步賦予行政部門對外談判的權力與快速立法程序，使美國從過去強調多邊主義的政策，轉變為多邊主義與雙邊主義並行。美國採取競爭自由化的貿易政策，使用自由貿易..

This article analyzes the Free Trade Agreement (FTA) strategy adopted by the United States during the valid period of the Trade Promotion Authority Act (2002~2007). Because of the external factors, such as 911 terrorist attacks, rise of China, the economic integration of East Asia, EU’s expansion, the frustration of WTO negotiations, the fashion of FTA, the EU and China’s expanding influence toward Latin America, and other domestic factors such as the power of negotiation and the fast track procedure offered by th..

在一個以美國為首的後冷戰單極國際體系中，次級強權與美國之間的動態性權力安排，將直接影響單及體系是否得以續存。傳統國際關係理論主張「權力平衡」是維持國際社會與區域安全的穩定要素，但該理論針對的是強權間為維持軍事戰略利益，所採取以軍事力量作為手段的平衡關係，對於後冷戰時期美國與其他次級強權的互動，似乎缺乏解釋的效力。在這些次級強權當中，歐洲聯盟扮演一個非常特殊的角色。歐洲與美國同享重要的文化與宗教價值，但在具戰略意義的議題上，兩者的歧見卻益形明顯。歐盟在重大國際議題上與美國的背道而馳，已形成..

In a U.S.-dominated post-Cold War unipolar international system, the possible power shifts between the second-tier great powers and the Americans, such as a systemic balance, will have great impacts on the existence and endurance of the current international system. According to the Realist theses, “balance of power” is a stabilizing factor that contributes to international security and regional stability as the great powers endeavor to prevent concentration of capabilities in one or a few nations through the process of distribu..

第二次世界大戰之後，現代南亞研究開始現身於美國學界，儘管其受到區域研究跨學科典範的影響，但卻仍未能完全擺脫東方學和印度學所積累下來的濃厚古典主義色彩，並在幾所領銜區域研究的重點大學院校中，形成獨樹一格的南亞研究傳統，著重於非功利取向的人文式理解;唯在受到一系列知識性與制度性的質疑和挑戰之後，隨著區域研究本身面臨學科紀律的重組與反省，過去對於南亞問題的研究視野，也開始出現許多檢討與轉變。在本文的討論中，我們便將透過南亞研究在美國學界發展軌跡的回顧與檢討，描繪區..

The establishing of South Asian studies in America during the decades following the WWII marked an important shift in the study of South Asia from Oriental studies and Indology towards an interdisciplinary area studies approach which tried to treat this area as objects of social sciences and humanities. During the ensuing decade, the earnest scholarship begun with the leading universities, such as the University of Chicago, University of Pennsylvania; all fostered new projects focused on South Asia. They had emphasized study ..