國際政治經濟學(簡稱國政經)自 70 年代開始發展以來，不僅呈現出理論(自由主義、重商主義與馬克思主義)與研究途徑(理性主義與反思主 義)的競逐，同時也有美國(American School)與不列顛學派(British School)間關於學科定位、研究議題與方法論上的差別。本文主要目的在於從三個面向來介紹及探討國政經的不列顛學派:一、為何該學派被稱為 British School?與國際關係英國學派(English School)有何差別?二、不列顛學派..

Since the 1970s, the International Political Economy(IPE)has explored various research methodologies and methods. However, the disciplinary boundary of IPE is still controversial. The main purpose of this article is to discuss the British School of IPE from three dimensions. First, why is this school called “British?” Are there differences between the British School and the English School of international relations? Secondly, British School scholars prefer to call this new discipline the” Global Political Ec..

法國與臺灣的政府體制都屬於半總統制，法國的憲政經驗中曾出現過三次的「左右共治」，臺灣的憲政經驗中卻從未出現過「藍綠共治」，何以如此?這是本文欲探討的課題。本文藉助賽局理論作為分析工具，探討制度安排如何影響行動者間的策略互動，以致最後產生了共治與否的差異。法國與臺灣擁有不同的選舉制度和不同的國會保障機制，在兩種制度因素的交互作用下，會引導分屬不同政黨陣營的總統和國會多數產生不同的政治計算與策略互動，最終導致法國出現「左右共治」，臺灣卻沒有出現「藍綠共治」。 ..

Both France and Taiwan’s political systems are semi-presidential. However, “cohabitation” in French constitutional experience has occurred three times while Taiwan has never seen “cohabitation” until now. Finding the reason for this difference is the central question of this paper. By using the game theory as an analysis tool, the paper explores how the institutional design influences the actors’ strategic interactions, which underlies the discrepancy between France and Taiwan in “coh..

跨國公民政治是國關學界在過去三十多年間開啟的新研究領域。數十年下來，學界已累積一定研究經驗與成果。為使本研究課題能更進一步深入發展，實有必要統整迄今之研究發現，有系統地了解與整理學界於此議題的發展軌跡，以便釐清其中的特點、突破與不足。本文主要目的有二，分析近年來跨國政治研究的發展脈絡，進而討論至今跨國公民政治研究的發現與局限。 本研究認為，跨國公民政治研究，在研究方法上歷經多次的典範轉移，開啟不同的研究視角，不同階段的研究發現也使跨國公..

The field of transnational civil politics have been a rapidly developing research focus in the international relations scholarship, and impressive amounts of research findings have been published during the last few decades. It is essential to review and examine the systemic development of research in the academia. This paper aims to tackle the task by reviewing and analyzing the research path of transnational civil politics studies, hoping that the discussion will not only provide an overall historical analysis of the resear..

軍事創新自 1980 年代中葉起成為戰略研究的重要研究議題之一，從創新一詞的提出，與對擴散、邏輯漸進主義以及突現性變革途徑等相關概念的轉化、應用與深入研究，均呈現出跨科際研究的多元風貌。在各種背景不同、功能互異的學科交相衝擊下，使得軍事創新的相關論述不斷推陳出新。加上後冷戰時期，各主要國家軍隊為因應威脅形態的轉變，無不積極從事軍事轉型的工作，這些因素使得創新與轉型不僅成為戰略研究中的學理論戰焦點，更具有鮮明的實務重要性。誠如 Andrew Pettigrew 所言：對於創新的研究不當限於..

Military innovation became one of the major research agendas within the field of strategic studies since the mid-1980s. The military innovation studies, at the onset, presented the landscape of interdisciplinary diversity From the introduction of the term "innovation" to the translation, application, and investigation of related concepts such as diffusion, logical incrementalism, or emergent approach, the knowledge of military innovation, which was deeply affected by the contributions of various disciplines whose academic backgrou..

雖然中國政府重申不會在國際壓力下改革人民幣匯率，但其終究在 2005 年 7 月 21 日改革人民幣匯率體制與水平，本文透過貨幣權力關係理論的途徑探討為什麼中國會改變人民幣匯率政策。本文論證了美國是國際貨幣權力關係中的強國，在貨幣權力理論中延遲的權力與轉移的權力上，確認了美國的貨幣權力高於中國，讓美國得以在此一國際貨幣權力關係中向中國施壓，使得中國在人民幣匯率政策上無法說不，而必須改變人民幣實施多年的固定匯率體制。但由於中國並非美國傳統上的盟邦且在軍事、安全..

Although the Chinese government has reiterated that the reform of Renminbi(RMB)exchange rate would not be influenced by international political pressure, it adjusted the exchange rate regime and level on July 21, 2005. The main purpose of the paper is trying to analyze why the Chinese government changed the exchange rate policy through international monetary power theory. The paper proved that the U.S. is a stronger power than China in the dimension of international liquidity, owned reserves, borrowing capacity, degree of ope..