東南亞在亞太政經體系中的重要性逐日提升，從而使得主要大國持續策畫新區域戰略，積極布局東南亞國家及社會，藉以強化自身的影響力。臺灣在 2016 年再次經歷政黨輪替，蔡英文總統啟動新南向政策作為建立臺灣與周邊區域全面連結的新戰略。新南向政策設定「以人為本」的主軸，除了重 新建構臺灣的區域定位，亦在經貿合作、人才交流、資源共享與區域鏈結等四個面向深耕臺灣與新南向區域、國家及社會的協力關係。本研究分別從制度與網絡兩個軸線分析新南向政策的進展:首先，在制度軸線方面，本..

The strategic importance of Southeast Asia is increasingly weighted in recent years among Asia-Pacific major powers and Taiwan. Since 2016, as Taiwan experienced another power transition, President Tsai Ing-Wen initiated the New Southbound Policy as her flagship strategy to link up Taiwan with neighboring countries. A people-centered rationale of the New Southbound Policy aims at reconstructing Taiwan’s regional identity, deepening its relation with regional countries and contributing to local societies. This paper disc..

兩岸關係基本結構「政治疏離、經濟融合」，素有「經濟能否扭轉政治」之辯論。過去研究多直接討論經濟交流下的政治效果，卻較少對於經濟 「如何」影響政治多加描繪，使政治效果產出之前經濟發揮之「潛移默化過程」未能清楚交代。為能釐清經濟如何發揮政治影響力，本文以兩岸經貿交流現況中，大陸著力甚深的「台灣農漁產品採購」政策，聚焦兩岸首次漁業契作:「學甲—上海虱目魚契作」，討論經濟影響政治的機制及其作用。根據本文研究，中共對台農漁採購政策效果並不在於立即性的扭轉台..

Since the two sides of the Taiwan Strait restarted economic negotiations and signed a number of socio-economic agreements, there has been growing interests in the political implications of the economic linkage. While previous studies mostly illustrated various political outcomes of Cross-Strait economic exchanges, they tended to overlook how China can utilize its economic leverage to influence Taiwan. This paper argues that China’s preferential policies toward Taiwan farmers did not aim to alter Taiwanese identity in th..

過去的研究指出在 1996 至 2008 年臺灣四次總統選舉中，認同是一個影響選民投票抉擇的重要因素，在 2012 年的總統選舉中，認同是否仍然為一個重要的影響因素，是本文的主要探討問題。本文首先從認同理論的界限設定觀點，討論臺灣認同的階段，提出臺灣認同已從第一階段的「省籍」對立，到第二階段的「臺灣意識/中國意識」之爭，而在兩岸恢復交流後，因為認同界限的改變(臺灣 vs.中國)，進入到第三階段的「國家認同」層次。在第三個階段，臺灣與中國之間存在文化聯繫與政治..

Previous studies show that identity is an important factor in voting choice in the past four Taiwanese presidential elections between 1996 and 2008. This paper aims to explore whether identity still retains its impact on voting choice in the 2012 presidential election. The author starts with the discussion on the development of the Taiwan identity. Theoretically, identity can be regarded as a type of boundary setting and its development includes three stages. The first stage is the distinction between Benshengren and Mainland..

1970 年代研究三角關係的專家塔圖(Michel Tatu)指出，美、中、蘇 「三者之一欲激起另兩方同謀之必然方式，為展現過度侵略性」。本文以塔圖之分析，探討 1979 年以來美臺軍事、政治與經貿關係之演變。由過去美、中、臺三角關係之互動，可以看出以下的特性:(1)中國對臺有過度侵略性的舉止，如 1996 年臺海危機，美國主動強化美臺軍事關係，增加美臺合作的空間;(2)在中國壓力下，國際組織有過度的舉止，如 2007 年聯合國秘書長潘基文謬誤解讀臺灣地位，..

Michel Tatu, an expert on US-China-USSR relations, observed in 1970 that “the surest way for any of the three to provoke the other two into collusion is to display undue aggressiveness.” This study analyses US- Taiwan relations in light of Tatu’s assumption. The interactions of US- Taiwan-China relations since 1979 are marked by the following features: (1)When China acts with undue aggressiveness against Taiwan – as for example in the 1996 missile crisis which prompted the US to dispatch two aircraft c..

半總統制的設計，通常有一民選的總統及民選產生的國會;在此體制下，由於總統與國會雙元選舉的實施，國會理論上比一般單元選舉的內閣制 要有更強的監督制衡力量。但這種體制下的國會是否具備優於內閣制的監督能量，則在文獻上甚少探討，也成為本研究的最初動機。本文試著比較兩個半總統制的國家-臺灣與法國，並從較傳統的制度面切入，來探究兩國在制度設計安排上，賦予國會的監督潛能為何。這裡的制度設計安排，主要包括憲法及相關法規中賦予國會、委員會及個別議員的權力和資源配備;以及目前國..

The so-called semi-presidentialism designs a system that popularly elects both the president and the parliament. Under the dual-election design, the parliament theoretically should own more check and balance power than a parliament that gives rise to the cabinet. However, whether the parliament under semi-presidentialism in practice is indeed equipped with more oversight capacity than that of a cabinet system’s parliament has been rarely studied in prior literature. This paper tries to study this theoretically inte..