國家安全戰略中的經濟安全層面關注之面向為掌握經濟資源管道,維持經濟繁榮與永續發展,進而保障經濟體系長期穩定成長與安全運作。韓國自 1990 年代末期啟動 FTA 戰略,作為主要的對外通商核心政策,希望透過積極參與經濟整合,提升國際地位。 本文由韓國構築 FTA 戰略之源起為背景,以韓國政府公報、官員回憶錄、美國國會之公開檔案、智庫之研究報告、國內外學者撰寫之重要期刊論文與專書以及主要媒體報導為參考素材,配合訪談參與韓美 FTA 談判之雙..
National security strategy on the economic level of concern focuses not only on controlling economic resources to maintain prosperity and sustainable development, but also ensures long-term and stable growth and safety operation in an economic system. South Korea has pushed forward the FTA strategy as its core foreign trade policy since the 1990s in order for participating in economic integration and enhancing its international status. This paper sets Korea’s FTA Strategy as the background and uses Korean gov..
Benjamin J. Cohen 和 Eric. Helleiner 對貨幣權力進行概念論述,但欠缺具體操作指標,學者趙文志依 Cohen 貨幣權力理論中的延遲權力與轉移權力,提出延遲權力中有中、美兩國外匯儲備量、國債發行規模的借貸能力,轉移權力以貿易占 GDP 比值的開放程度,共三項具體指標,指出美國開放度比中國低、但美元流動性與借貸能力高於中國,說明美國對中國有貨幣權力,但該文無法說明中國外匯存底和貿易開放程度都高於美國,但為何是美國擁有貨幣權力,顯然..
Although Benjamin J. Cohen and Eric Helleiner have developed narratives on Monetary Power, there is no clear operational definition of the term. Based on Cohen’s discussion of the power of delay and the power of transfer, Chou Wen-Chi came up with three criteria to measure Monetary Power: foreign reserve, outstanding national debt, and percentage of trade in GDP. Using these criteria, he pointed out that although the US is less trade- dependent, liquidity of US Dollar and borrowing ability of the US are both higher. Thu..
北京倡議的「亞洲基礎設施投資銀行」(簡稱:亞投行),在華府眼中,卻認為會挑戰到當今美國主導的全球經濟秩序。事實上,資本額度僅 1000 億美元的亞投行,無法撼動美國在全球金融政治中的主導地位。美國對亞投行戒慎恐懼,真是美元的地位受到威脅?亞投行的設立是否真能實踐人民幣國際化的目標?本文主張,中國應支持亞投行以美元發行(而非人民幣計價) 的「亞投行債券」,並同時設立「帶路基金」發行人民幣計價的「帶路基金債券」。如此,中國才得逐步降低對美國國債的過度依賴,掌握到..
Beijing launched the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank(AIIB)in order to offer financial resources for more investments to Asian countries in need. To some extent, the US$ 100 billion AIIB is not supposed to impose any serious threat to U.S. dominance in global finance. Why does the U.S. fear the China-led AIIB? Would the establishment of AIIB speed up decline of the dollar as an international currency? Is the AIIB likely to contribute to further internationalization of the renminbi(RMB)? This paper contends that China shou..
2011 年 5 月 2 日美國特種部隊攻擊賓拉登(Osama bin Laden)之住處並且結束長達十年對於頭號國際恐怖分子的追擊,在此之後,各國對於此事件的反應呈現出不同的面貌。本文將以實證方法研究美國與各國的外交關係、各國對賓拉登事件的反應、主要媒體評論之間的互動關連,整理出支持與不支持美國的總表。本研究亦將思考:在採取爭議性的方法達成其國家利益的同時,美國霸權是否可以在未來持盈保泰?本研究所採取的新聞分析方法,是否能夠提供外交政策研究更多的可能性? ..
As the U.S. special forces thundered into Bin Laden’s compound and terminated the decade long chase of the most wanted terrorist on May 2, 2011, the global reaction to this incident presented diverse versions for interpretation. This empirical study answers the questions: can the U.S. identify those who support or oppose its foreign policy by their reactions to the Bin Laden incident? By probing into the governmental archives and major media in selected countries, this research answers two more important questions: has ..
1970 年代研究三角關係的專家塔圖(Michel Tatu)指出,美、中、蘇 「三者之一欲激起另兩方同謀之必然方式,為展現過度侵略性」。本文以塔圖之分析,探討 1979 年以來美臺軍事、政治與經貿關係之演變。由過去美、中、臺三角關係之互動,可以看出以下的特性:(1)中國對臺有過度侵略性的舉止,如 1996 年臺海危機,美國主動強化美臺軍事關係,增加美臺合作的空間;(2)在中國壓力下,國際組織有過度的舉止,如 2007 年聯合國秘書長潘基文謬誤解讀臺灣地位,..
Michel Tatu, an expert on US-China-USSR relations, observed in 1970 that “the surest way for any of the three to provoke the other two into collusion is to display undue aggressiveness.” This study analyses US- Taiwan relations in light of Tatu’s assumption. The interactions of US- Taiwan-China relations since 1979 are marked by the following features: (1)When China acts with undue aggressiveness against Taiwan – as for example in the 1996 missile crisis which prompted the US to dispatch two aircraft c..
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