自 Dittmer 開啟戰略三角的國際政治理論後，三邊戰略探討便成為頗具詮釋力的理論模型。從冷戰時期的「美、蘇、中」戰略三角到近期的其它戰略三角，如「美、中、歐盟」、「美、中、印度」等等，族衍甚繁。 然而在東亞區域間的「美、中、台」戰略三角，隨著「中國崛起」的世界性影響與美國的東亞區域霸權穩定與利益，更使「美、中、台」戰略三角凸顯其重要性與區域霸權穩定或轉移的關鍵。以「美、蘇、中」戰略三角為立論基礎的 Dittmer 戰略三角論，是基於..

Since Lowell Dittmer proposed the theory of strategic triangle, the theory has become a powerful explanatory model that developed various triangles from the US-Soviet Union-China strategic triangle in the Cold War to the other more recent triangles like the US-China-EU and the US-China- India. Among various triangles, the US-China-Taiwan triangle has evolved into a relatively more critical one in terms of its impact on the regional hegemonic stability or shift in East Asia due to the rise of China that is shaking the US hegem..

本文從發展援助的諸多問題切入，追溯台灣協助非洲國家發展經濟的歷史，並以交往四十二年的馬拉威為例，檢討台灣援助非洲的成果。作者認為按市場機制的農業合作才能持續有效，純粹善意的農業援助則會受到許多當地因素制肘，不但難以改善貧困，還容易引起受援者依賴與怨懟。  

This paper studies the challenges and problems Taiwan encountered in its development assistance to its African allies. Specifically, it examines the case of Malawi, where Taiwan has placed teams for 42 years. The author contends that only market-oriented agricultural cooperation can be sustainable. Farming assistance based purely on charity faces numerous local obstacles, and thus not only fails to improve poverty, but also generates dependence and resentment.  

台灣與新加坡雖然一直被學者認為是發展國家的典型案例，然而兩者在 1990 年代之後卻邁向截然不同的轉型途徑;展現在國家介入市場的特徵上也大異其趣。雖然有關兩個發展國家的現況已有許多個別研究，然而透過比較的視角以探討兩地公私部門間的網絡鑲嵌結構的差異，在目前的研究文獻中仍然鮮少。本文透過制度論的分析架構，聚焦在兩者的政府介入企業層次的治理網絡，考察其結構的形成歷史與演變軌跡，透過量化的資料比較其異同，並探討兩種不同網絡結構可能會有的政經意涵。1990 年代以後..

Although Taiwan and Singapore have been considered as two successful cases of the developmental state model, their recent transformations demonstrate distinct and divergent paths. Recent studies have documented this transition from a macro perspective of the political-economic process, yet scholars have been relatively inattentive to the market governance network from a meso-organizational perspective. We believe that it will help us better understand the transforming nature of two developmental states by looking at the netwo..

台灣四大族群的比例，在過去有戶籍資料身分可供參考，而在民國 81 年之戶籍法新修正規定，除原住民身分與族別外，其他族群並不記載。因此族群間的明顯分界線一夕消失，然而四大族群仍然存在。 欲瞭解現今台灣四大族群間的人口比例，通婚情況是必要瞭解的問題。本研究發現，過去傳統以父親為主要認同的方式，正逐漸發生變化，而這與父母親輩之族群通婚有相當大的關係。尤其以目前台灣在社會政治上，皆以台灣優先為本位，而本省閩南族群又為優勢族群，因此只要與本省閩南..

There used to be household registration data on the percentage of the major four Taiwanese ethnic groups. However, based on the amended Household Registration Law in 1992, only indigenous people and their tribes are identified in the database. While the distinct categorization among the four groups blurred overnight, the four groups remain. In order to understand the population percentage among the four groups, it’s necessary to understand the inter-group marriage. In this research, it has found that the trad..

民主化後金融體系受到執政黨與地方派系及內需財團的選舉結盟影響，使得特權貸款氾濫以及金檢無法落實，是本土金融風暴發生的重要背景之一，危機發生後的重建過程也同樣受到政治力的干預，拖延了重建法案的提出、通過與執行。金融重建包括處理問題金融機構與壞帳、強化銀行競爭力以及強化金融監理與公司治理。從台灣金融重建的經驗中得知，政府推動經濟改革的決心與能力受到了幾項政治因素的制約。首先是政黨與地方派系與內需財團之間的關係，兩者在政治獻金、選舉動員與政策優惠上的互賴，使得前後..

The political intervention in financial institutions after democratic transitions induces the prevalence of privileged loans and damages banking regulations. This is an important cause of the local financial crises between 1998 and 1999. The process of financial restructuring is also subject to political interference. The packages include liquidating financial institutions, privatizing public banks, and strengthening financial regulations and corporate governance. The experience of financial restructuring demonstrates that th..