國際關係理論是與現實的國際政治高度聯結的，此一現象在當今表現地極為明顯。美國與中國的戰略競爭召喚著能夠掌握與回應現況的國關理論，其中尤以「權力轉移」和「歷史與國關」兩類文獻最具有解釋力與發展性。本文從權力轉移理論的核心論點與適用的範圍條件切入，接著聚焦於此一理論的兩個關鍵變項：權力差距與挑戰者對現狀的滿意程度，並延伸到戰爭的爆發條件與對理論的挑戰，最後是討論崛起國與支配性強權的新興理論框架。在這一部份又分為三個部分：崛起國對支配性強權的策略選擇、支配型強權對於崛起國的策略選擇，和崛起國與..

International relations theories are always closely connected to real world international politics. This connection between theory and reality is particularly pronounced in today’s world. The strategic competition between the US and the PRC stimulates IR theories that can grasp and respond to the international reality. Among those the “Power Transition Theory” and “History and IR approach” are of the greatest explanatory potential. This paper begins with the core arguments and applications of the power transiti..

現有國際關係對於霸權的已有論述，大多試圖描述國際體系出現逐霸國家的原因，卻少有探索逐霸國家的行為策略，對於逐霸國家如何克服各種挑戰，組建層級霸權秩序，尚未提出具體的分析模型。本文擬填補逐霸理論空白，概念化逐霸國家行為，提出逐霸分析架構，觀察逐霸國家在逐霸過程中如何克服競逐資格，地位汰除，以及新層級秩序組建的三大挑戰。戰國時代秦國先後淘汰魏國、楚國與齊國等逐霸競爭對手的歷程，是本文的研究樣本。公元前356年秦孝公變法改革，秦國強固內部統治權威，運用內部權力成長途徑（Internal Pow..

Existing International Relations Studies’ arguments on the hegemony are mostly satisfied with describing the birth of hegemon in the international system, but rarely explored its behavior and strategies for obtaining the supreme status of hegemony. There is no specific research framework for exploring how the aspiring hegemon overcomes challenges and establishes a hierarchical hegemonic order in the international society. This paper intends to fill the theoretical gap of hegemony studies, conceptualizes aspiring hegemon’s behavi..

歐盟在與第三國/區域簽訂貿易或投資協定時，因為其市場吸引力，而得以將帶有歐盟價值的規範性議程納入協定中，以實踐自身外交政策的目標。此「規範性權力(normative power)」論述在學界已有廣泛的討論。實務上，歐盟的規範性權力亦不斷透過各種不同的管道，在不同的地區和領域內發揮影響力。歐盟自2013年10月開始，與中國大陸進行全面投資協定(Comprehensive Agreement on Investment，簡稱CAI)談判，目前已完成了第35輪的談..

The European Union (EU) has well utilized its market attraction to bring European value based normative agenda into trade or investment agreement negotiations with third country/region, in order to achieve its own foreign policy objectives. This “normative power” theory has had wide discussion among academics. In practice, EU’s normative power has also continuously expanded its influence in different areas via various channels. Since October 2013, EU and China have begun the negotiations on the Comprehensive..

本文認為，「既有強權美國 vs. 崛起強權日本」(1931~1941)與「既有強權美國 vs. 崛起強權中國」(1993~2018)的比較，能為現今的美中關係提供許多建設性的思考。本文從既有強權的角度觀察其如何回應崛起強權;以Randall Schweller的歸納為基礎而建立一個相對完整的政策選擇全貌。作者發現:面對1931~1941年崛起的日本，美國先採「中立、綏靖」，後改採「制衡」，最終採「戰爭」。面對1993~2018年崛起的中國，美國以「交往」為基..

This paper argues that the comparative study of the two cases - the US dominant power vs. the Japan rising power (1931-1941) and the US dominant power vs. the China rising power (1993-2018) can provide ample constructive thinking on the contemporary US-China relations. This paper focuses on how a dominant power reacts to a rising power. An analytical framework of dominant powers’ policy options toward rising powers, based on Randall Schweller’s theories, is developed and applied to this study. This paper has found..

自一帶一路倡議提出以來，中國藉以外交政策與經濟治略的雙重政策，在周邊區域深植影響力。位於周邊的國家大量接收來自北京的經濟挹注與開發援助，大多正面回應中國提供的誘因。然而，政府之間的合作成果，卻在民間社會上形成看法不一的情況，對中國一帶一路下基礎建設的反饋程度也不盡相同。本文以越南平順省(Tỉnh Bình Thuận)永新電力中心(Trung tâm nhiệt điện Vĩnh Tân)為例，審視各電廠所造成的環境汙染、經濟生計、健康 問..

Since the Belt and Road Initiative(BRI)was launched in 2013, China has adopted a variety of diplomatic and economic policies to enhance its political influence in the world. Among those policies were offering multi- billion-dollar infrastructure and investment deals across Southeast Asia, which were received positively and enthusiastically by the majority of the Southeast Asian governments. Yet, a row between supporters and opponents toward BRI of the civil society in these countries remains unsolved. To elaborate on this row..