當代民主和平研究已不再局限於民主政體間的戰爭機率，有些學者已經開始轉向研究威權政體間的戰爭機率。這樣的研究發展，有利於促進國際政治和比較政府兩個次領域的對話，而本文亦嘗試將威權政體分類相關的比較政治研究，帶入國際政治場域進行分析。2002 年 Mark Peceny、Caroline C. Beer和 Shannon Sanchez-Terry 提出 「獨裁政體和平假說」(dictatorial peace)，主張威權政體間亦存在低武裝衝突機率。而且，如果再將威權政體進一步分類，則僅有單..

When analyzing the relationship between regime type and the possibility of militarized interstate conflict, an interdisciplinary dialogue between the fields of comparative politics and international relations is vitally demanded, especially when stepping into the further area of democratic peace, “dictatorial peace." In 2002, Mark Peceny, Caroline Beer, and Shannon Sanchez-Terry concluded that a lower conflict possibility does exist among non-democratic regimes. Moreover, after classifying non-democracies into three categories, t..

琉球群島位居日本、中國與台灣之間，是歐亞大陸及太平洋島鏈接壤之進出孔道，地理形勢堪稱十分重要。尤其自 14 世紀以來，琉球迭遭列強海權與陸權的激烈角逐，更凸顯歷史命運的發展實與其地緣政治的性格息息相關，甚而衍生至今猶須面臨「地位未定」的尷尬處境。不僅如此，琉球地位尚涉及日本、中國與台灣相關之釣魚台群島主權歸屬及東海海域劃界問題等國際爭議，並牽連東北亞整體安全保障之未來走向，誠未可等閒視之。有鑒於此，本文乃從國際法及國際政治的角度切入，試圖對琉球地位與東北亞之..

The Ryukyu Islands are a chain of islands between Eurasia and the Pacific Ocean. Because of the importance of their geographic situation, the Ryukyu Islands have become a focus where many countries compete. Until today, many regard the legal position of the Ryukyu Islands as uncertain. Moreover, the Ryukyu issue also contains the dispute of the Diaoyu Islands, (which are regarded as parts of the Ryukyu Islands by Japan) among Japan, China and Taiwan and the security of Northeast Asia. Therefore, the Ryukyu issue is an importa..

印巴關係一直是南亞區域安全的焦點，而印巴自兩國獨立之後就擺盪在戰爭與和談之間，長久以來對喀什米爾(Kashmir)主權的認知無法達成共 識。本文的論點是，「安全困境」(security dilemma)不一定是印巴關係的宿命。兩國之間的戰或和，多半取決於主要決策者在面對國內各利益團體及國際的壓力時，基於維持權力的目的，做出決策所造成的結果。本文將以 1998-2004 年期間印巴和平進程為例，探討印巴兩國在國際、國內環境及領導利益等因素影響之下所做的決策，如..

This article will examine the relations between India and Pakistan during 1998-2004 and study how decisions made by leaders of India and Pakistan under domestic and international pressure had influenced India- Pakistan relations. The article argues that the India-Pakistan relations will not necessarily be trapped in the "security dilemma." The relations between the two countries for a large part depend on the decisions of major policymakers based on the goal of maintaining power as well as foreign players such as th..

盧武鉉總統自 2003 年上台以來，以韓半島南北韓乃至東北亞的和平繁榮為由，實施了以自主、平衡及務實外交為主的和平繁榮政策，擺脫以往對美國的過多依附，尋求確保在東北亞國際關係格局中戰略的靈活性。韓國的和平繁榮政策在韓中關係發展上起了積極作用，盧武鉉政府為實現和平繁榮政策的目標，進行與中國全方位的交流合作。韓中兩國因為互為需求維護與加強兩國共同利益，首先，通過兩國經濟互補性讓兩國的經濟更加發展;其次，為維持韓半島與東北亞的穩定，在北韓核問題與六邊會議框架中密切..

Since president Moo-Hyun Roh took office in 2003, Roh’s administration applied the Policy of Peace and Prosperity, which upholds to sovereign, balanced, and pragmatic diplomacy, on the grounds of peace and prosperity for DPRK and ROK in Korean peninsula and Northeast Asia. The administration got rid of excessive dependence of the U.S in the past, and sought to establish strategic flexibility in the Northeast Asian relations. The Policy of Peace and Prosperity played a positive role in the ROK-PRC relationship. ..

2006 年，索羅門群島政府先後宣布澳大利亞駐索羅門群島高專科爾 (Patrick Cole) 及澳籍警察總監卡索(Shane Castles) 為「不受歡迎人物」(persona non grata) ，兩國外交關係惡化，之後索羅門群島向國際控訴，由澳大利亞領導的「索羅門群島區域援助團」(RAMSI) 不符索羅門群島期待，希望RAMS I 撤離。太平洋各島國於是在同年1 0月舉行的第3 7 屆「太平洋島圈論壇」 (Pacific Islands Forum , PIF) 峰會上， 決定..

The government of Soloman Islands declared former Australian high commissioner Patrick Cole and police commissioner Shane Castles as persona non grata in 2006. The incidence had worsened the relationship between Soloman Islands and Australia. The Prime Minister of Soloman Islands, Manasseh Sogavare, wants RAMSI to evacuate from his country. In order to resolve this dispute, the 37th Pacific Islands Forum (PIF) in 2006 established the Forum Troika of the past, present and incoming chairs to review RAMSI and its future. RAMSI is a regiona..