本文以角色理論的分析架構探討土耳其於敘利亞北部所開展的三次軍事行動，包括：2016年「幼發拉底之盾行動」、2018年「橄欖枝行動」與2019年「和平之泉行動」。角色理論探討國家與他者互動過程中「驅動菁英的行為」，同時討論「國內政治與制度」，如何透過領導人而呈現出外交政策的樣貌，究係關心他者反應的「角色接受者」，或是強調自我認同的「角色創造者」？是強調國家利益的「獨立角色」？亦或是在乎他者認同的「互動角色」？ 據此，本文第一部分將從角色理論與土耳其過去的角色定位談起，進而分析三次行動下..

This paper deals with Turkey’s military deployments, including “Operation Euphrates Shield in 2016, Operation Olive Branch in 2018 and Operation Peace Spring in 2019 with theoretical analysis of “role theory”. Scholars of role theory focus on interactive process of “State” and “Others”. They not only analyze “what motivates political elites’ behavior”, but also discuss domestic politics and institution and their impacts on leaders and foreign policies. In response to other st..

本文檢視2005年以降日印兩國建構在外交、經濟、與防衛等領域合作的制度化過程，是否意味著將邁向同盟關係發展。日印兩國與中共之間分別存在著領土主權爭議，再加上中共積極擴大在印太區域的軍事存在，平衡中共威脅成為日印發展戰略合作的重要動機。2014年9月，日印將兩國戰略合作關係提升為「特別戰略性全球夥伴關係」，勾勒出雙方戰略合作 的路線圖，以共同發展印太區域的自由、開放、繁榮，以及確保印太海洋的交通線安全。不過，受限於國內共識與軍事實力不足，以及擔憂中共採取反制措施，短期內日印兩國不可..

This article examines the institutionalized development of diplomatic, economic, and defense cooperation between Japan and India since 2005, and whether or not both countries will move toward an alliance. To clarify further, Japan and India have disputes over territorial sovereignty with China, and China has actively expanded its military presence in the Indo-Pacific region. Thus, balancing China’s threats has become an important motive for Japan- India to develop strategic cooperation. Since September 2014, Japan and India have promo..

本文主軸在於檢視國家身分認同因素對印度外交政策長期與深層的影響，從新古典現實主義結合體系結構與單元層次的分析架構下，抽取出做為中介變數的身分認同因素是如何干擾印度對於體系壓力的回應，同時提供觀察印度政策選擇的另一種理論途徑。目的在於指出，欲理解印度外交政策具有的特質，必須輔以「後殖民身分認同」的干擾變數，而伴隨後殖民國家身分認同而來的戰略自主，則有助於解釋為何印度對美國總是存有不信任感，雙方戰略夥伴關係難以真正落實。未來印度視印美關係為一個戰略機會(現實主義..

The paper aims to examine the long-term and deep impact of national identity on India’s foreign policy. In order to address the objective and develop an alternative approach, the study is conducted using the Neo-Classical Realism theory, which combines analyses on systemic structure and states’ behavior at the unit-level, while emphasizing the factor of national identity on the formation of India’s foreign policy and its responses to systemic pressure. This paper argues that it is imperative to take account ..

本研究目的在於，從中國與北韓的國家利益角度，分析金正恩時期中朝之間合作與衝突的背景，進而探討雙方關係的走向。自習近平與金正恩於 2013 年分別出任中國與北韓的國家元首以來，由於中朝兩國皆採取對對方國家利益有所損失的政策，使雙方關係陷入緊張。就北韓的國家利益而言，穩定以金正恩為首的共產黨政權為第一要務。因此，金正恩上台之後，繼承金正日的「先軍政治」，持續研發軍事科技，進行試射導彈、第 3 次核試爆，採取「經濟、核武建設並進路線」，以凝聚國內團結，且處決危及金..

The purpose of this project is to analyze the historical background of co- operation and conflict between China and North Korea during the Kim Jung- un era from both Chinese and North Korean’s national-interest perspective, as well as the direction of bilateral relationships. Since Xi Jinping and Kim Jong-un took office as China and North Korea’s head of state in 2013 respectively, both countries have been adopting policies to lose their people’s national interest from each other, which in turn have caused g..

2016 年 1 月 6 日北韓進行第四次核試爆至 2017 年 9 月 3 日進行第六次核試爆，是北韓史上最密集發展核武及遠端投射能力的時期，這使美朝關係因此陷入年金正恩掌權以來最危險的時刻，雙方開戰傳言不斷。本文回顧這段期間的美朝戰略互動，發現雙方關係較貼近「螺旋模式」而非「嚇阻理論」假設。據此，若美朝對彼此「認知(perception)」無法調整，則雙方將因自我的不安全感無法解除，使對峙局面持續。而美朝關係能否走向緩解，關鍵不在美朝..

From January 6, 2016 to September 3, 2017, North Korea has executed three times of nuclear weapon testing, marking the highest frequency of testing in its history. As a result, this tension later built up the worst time of U.S.-North Korea relations after Kim Jong-un ruled the country. Because of this tension, there are a large number of reports that predict the U.S. will fight North Korea at any time. This research reviews the strategic interactions between U.S. and North Korea during that period, and then argues that the si..