有關於層次分析(levels-of-analysis)的研究早於第二次世界大戰以來即受到西方學者相當之注重，但國內相關之研究仍未重視層次分析之研究途徑，亦很少有研究著作涉及層次分析之研究架構。近年來隨著「建構主義」 在國際關係理論上愈受重視，開展相互主觀、研究「結構/體系」與「單元 /能動者」之動態互動關係，並提及跨層分析的重要性，可惜建構主義學者亦未能將層次分析之相關理論做系統性之整理或推導成分析模型。針對此，本文將傳統國際關係理論及建構主義涉及層次分析的..

Levels-of-analysis has been one of most important IR theory in the West since World War II, but still waiting to be explored in Taiwan. With the rises of constructivism emphasizing the concept of intersubjectivity, exploring the relations between structure and agency, and reverting the significance of cross-levels analysis, researchers are forced to recall levels-of-analysis approach. However, there is still a pity that constructivism did not offer a modeling analytical framework for the studies of levels-of-analysis. Therefo..

在過去的二十年以來，理論辯論成為寬廣的國際關係理論領域中日益顯著的部份。如果我們需要使用一組可信而適當的理論，來回答關於在特定條件下國際關係理論分歧的向題，則現有理論無法提供一個滿意的答案。 本文嘗試提出一個整體的觀點，來理解國際關係中的研究途徑與理論概念現存的分歧情形。基此目的，本研究的目標，在於藉由統攝概念的運動，以建立 一個國際關係理論分歧現象的分析架構，來理解那些主理論分歧的現象。 本文的討論並未解決那些現存理論分歧的問題，只是嘗試說明一個理論的爭議將會如何予以解..

Over the last 20 years, theoretical debates have become an increasingly conspicuous part in the broader field of international Relations Theory. If we are in need of an adequate theory that provides a set of plausible and testable answers to questions about theoretical diversity under specified conditions, the existing theory, in term, does not suffice. This paper attempts to provide a comprehensive perspective to understand the existing diversity of research approaches and theoretical concepts of international relations. To this end, t..

人類安全概念提出以來至今已逾十年，始終沒有獲得安全研究領域的重視。冷戰結束後，雖有非傳統安全在研究上對傳統安全侷限於軍事問題的缺漏進行修補，但依舊忽略「個人」對於安全研究的價值。本文認為，目前既有的安全研究已不能迎合全球化時代國際關係的發展趨勢，而把「個人」排除在安全研究的討論之外或是予以邊緣化，則為一種理解上的疏失。實際上，無論傳統安全所強調的軍事領域，或是非傳統安全所關注的貧窮、發展、疾病等問題，其核心與基礎的安全價值均構築在每一個「個人」身上， 這歸因..

Even though the concept of Human Security first emerged more than a decade ago, it never gained much attention in the field of security study. In the post-Cold War era, non-traditional security study somehow rectified the defect of traditional security study that focused simply on military affairs, and was not comprehensive enough to understand the crucial role ‘People’ played in security study. From authors’ view, the present comprehension of security study can no longer catch up with the mainstream develop..

尼加拉瓜前軍事將領Daniel Ortega，以38%得票率於2006年總統選舉獲勝當選。選後，許多分析家將Ortega勝選歸結為2000年選舉法及右派候選人分裂，而本文旨在利用尼國最高選舉委員會公布的選舉結果，重新檢視促成Ortega當選的這兩項原因之影響力。在交叉分析尼國選舉結果後，筆者發現勢均力敵的右派政黨候選人競爭形勢，使Ortega得以首輪當選。

Nicaragua's former military leader, Daniel Ortega, has won the 2006 presidential election with 38 percent of the vote in the first round. Some Analysts have argued after the election that there were two main factors - the 2000 election law and the division among the two rightwing candidates - that led to Daniel Ortega's victory. In this paper, the author  aims to reexamine the influences of those two factors by using the election result released by the Nicaragua Supreme Electoral Council (CSE). In conclusion, the author fin..

本文主要在探討泰國金融改革過程中，國內主要行為者之間的制度性關係。受到 1997 年金融風暴的影響，民主黨(Democrat Party)的乃川 (Chuan Leekpai)政府接受國際貨幣基金(International Monetary Fund, IMF)的建議與援助，從國家長期發展的角度出發，採取了相關的結構性改革政策。但是，2001 年上台的塔克辛(Thaksin Shinawatra)政府卻採取凱恩斯主義為主的民粹政策，希望可以在短期內達到金融..

This paper explores the domestic institutional arrangements and relationships among key political and financial actors in the process of Thailand’s financial reform. Affected by the Asian 1997 financial crisis, the Chuan government adopted structural reform policies which were suggested by the IMF as a long-term solution. However, the Thaksin government which took office in 2001 adopted Keynesian and populist policies to stimulate economic growth and financial stability which focused on short term results. Whose policie..