自 Dittmer 開啟戰略三角的國際政治理論後，三邊戰略探討便成為頗具詮釋力的理論模型。從冷戰時期的「美、蘇、中」戰略三角到近期的其它戰略三角，如「美、中、歐盟」、「美、中、印度」等等，族衍甚繁。 然而在東亞區域間的「美、中、台」戰略三角，隨著「中國崛起」的世界性影響與美國的東亞區域霸權穩定與利益，更使「美、中、台」戰略三角凸顯其重要性與區域霸權穩定或轉移的關鍵。以「美、蘇、中」戰略三角為立論基礎的 Dittmer 戰略三角論，是基於..

Since Lowell Dittmer proposed the theory of strategic triangle, the theory has become a powerful explanatory model that developed various triangles from the US-Soviet Union-China strategic triangle in the Cold War to the other more recent triangles like the US-China-EU and the US-China- India. Among various triangles, the US-China-Taiwan triangle has evolved into a relatively more critical one in terms of its impact on the regional hegemonic stability or shift in East Asia due to the rise of China that is shaking the US hegem..

二次世界大戰後，若干國家為使其外匯存底或公共基金產生更佳的增長效益，開始由政府設置主權財富基金，近年來其規模急遽膨脹而備受矚目，2007 年較 2006 年增加 18%而為 3.3 兆美元，預估至 2015 年將超過 12 兆美元。2008 年開始因美國次級房貸所引發的全球金融危機，主權財富基金成為許多國家與企業救亡圖存的希望。從國際政治經濟學的角度來看，符合「相互依存理論」與全球化理論中「過程論」的觀點;但在迅速發展下也出現了若干問題，不但動輒影響國際金融..

After World War II, in order to obtain better growth performance from the large foreign exchange reserves or public funds, several new financial institutions in East Asia and oil-producing countries in the Middle East started to have their governments establishing the Sovereign Wealth Fund. The Sovereign Wealth Fund has attracted wide attention as their scales rapidly expanded in recent years. The fund scale increased by 18% in 2007, as compared to 2006, and reached USD 330 billion. It is estimated that the funds will exceed ..

當前兩岸關係基本結構為「政治疏離、經濟融合」。因此，如何掌握經濟「影響」政治的力量，便成為前瞻兩岸未來的重要憑藉，另方面，如何利用或防範經濟左右政治的力量，則成為兩岸相互攻防的關鍵場域。故自胡錦濤主導對台政策後，即持續強化「寄希望於台灣人民」的各種所謂「惠台」措施，希望以此促進兩岸和平統一，但能否發揮其所期待的作用，迄今未見比較系統的評估，有鑒於此，本文根據近期民調資料，分別就一般民眾及目標社群進行觀察，分析其對中觀感與政治立場的變化，藉以蠡測此類「以經促統..

The confrontation across the Taiwan Strait has been extended from the Cold War years to the global era. Under the new circumstance, cross-Strait exchanges and contacts are not only close but also indispensible for both. And, such socioeconomic ties can be easily employed as instruments to achieve political goals. Motivated by the logic, after Hu Jintao being in charge, China has shifted its Taiwan policy from “more sticks” to “extra carrots.” The core elements of Hu’s economic statecraft are &ldq..

儘管阿弘認為自己的國際政治理論只適用於冷戰時期，但基於 20 世紀中葉以來日益強調不確定性的科學走向，並參照摩根索、瓦爾茲等人對科學概念的理解，今天似乎可以從三個知識論層級看出他的理論並沒有過時的問題:第一、在元理論層次，他以一系列的二律背反和特殊符碼，點明了許多不確定性的問題;第二、在元結構層次，他透過社會學與歷史學的方法論，將當事人與政治實體推出更嚴謹的二項式互動結構;第三、在實踐學層次，他對一系列外交行為提出二律背反的探索，從而不但超越了精確科學在確定..

It is with regards of the importance of the uncertainty for the current scientific philosophy that we want to interpret the theory of the international relations of the Cold War by Raymond Aron, using the comprehension which is concerned with the scientific conceptions of Mogenthau, Waltz, and others; and we want to verify not only that this theory keeps a sort of efficiency until today, but also that Aron has found some theories about the uncertainty on a higher level. We first want to show, in the field of metathe..

財政短缺常是政府選擇 PFI 的主要原因之一，PFI 可以幫助政府克服財政上的兩難:即在緊縮的財政情況下，仍能透過較高的私人資本支出增加公共投資。本文主要的目的即在檢驗具有豐富 PFI 經驗的英國，尤其是新工黨執政時，是否符合這項假設。此外，本文也試圖回答新工黨選擇 PFI 的理由、主要的作法及其如何面對黨內 PFI 的反對者，以貫徹其執行 PFI 的決心。研究發現保守黨政府採取 PFI，確實存在政府部門面臨的財經壓力，工黨政府並非在財政壓力下，為了控制公共..

Financial shortage is the main reason governments choose PFI. Literature on PFI almost always argues that they can solve the government financial dilemmas under extreme conditions of retrenchment through more private capital spending to boost public investment. The purpose of this study is to examine whether the British government under the New Labor matches the hypothesis. Moreover, this study tries to find out why and how PFI has been adopted and carried through by the New Labor in spite of oppositions within the party. We ..