歐洲統合於過去半個世紀的發展，為政策實踐與學術研究提供建構歐洲特殊身份認同的機會。在尋求一個適合其身份認同的全球性角色的過程當中，歐體/歐盟已在對外政策的合作進程中，展現與傳統強權不同的特質，並呈現出具關鍵影響力的規範性力量。隨著在政策領域當中歐洲國家逐漸發展出對外與安全政策整合的機制，學界也提出「公民強權」的概念，藉以指稱在聯盟的層次上，以集體性的非軍事措施解決國際衝突的方式，在經過不斷實踐形成行為體間互動慣例模式後，所建構出具特殊性的歐盟國際身份認同。 然而，當歐盟開始試探軍..

A half century of European intergration has had a profound effect on both policy practice and academic research in pursuing the distinctiveness of Europe's identity as a whole. In the process of finding an appropriate role based on its constructing identity, the EC/EU has shaped a distinct foreign policy and developed decisive normative power in world affairs. Along with the formation of foreign and security policy cooperation among EU member states, the academic circle has proposed the “civilian power” concept, referring to..

經濟學界基於 1990 年代歐洲匯率機制危機的歷史教訓，與新近發展的內生整合理論，多認為即使無法擺脫馬斯垂克條約整合門檻的法規束縛，歐洲貨幣同盟至少應儘快邀請有意加入歐元區的歐盟東歐成員國，在此一過渡階段進行密切的經濟貨幣政策協調合作，以免再度發生匯率與金融危機。本文首先對經濟學界就歐洲貨幣同盟擴張議題，所發表的重要文獻進行評述。其次根據既有論點，以東歐經濟規模最大的捷克、匈牙利、波蘭作為研究對象，結合簡單的總體經濟模型與賽局分析概念，探討三國已為歐盟成員，..

Some economists believe that even if the Maastricht convergence criteria is indispensable, the European Monetary Union should at least invite Central and Eastern European countries to participate in economic policy coordination as soon as possible, on the basis of the theory of endogeneity and the experience of the ERM crisis in the 1990s. The purposes of this research are 1)to provide an economic literature review about the issue of EMU enlargement and 2)to determine whether a bilateral coalition of an accession country and ..

歐洲統合的進程在經濟、文化與推動西方普世價值方面已使得歐洲聯盟成為一個全球「公民強權」的角色，但是是否藉此轉化成為一個「軍事強權」，仍然是歐盟各會員國爭論的焦點。從馬斯垂克條約將「共同外交與安全政策」納入歐盟決策的三大支柱之一後，歐盟在外交與安全政策的合作才開始具備法律的基礎。但是一九九0年代發生於歐洲本身的區域衝突，凸顯歐盟在解決歐洲本身軍事爭端時的無力感。在一九九0年代末期發展出的「歐洲安全與防衛政策」即著眼於歐盟自主軍事力量的整合與強化，以期因應未來可能發生的區域與國際衝突。 ..

The process of the European integration in economic, cultural and universalising Western values in the past half century has reinforced EU's role as a global “civilian power”. The 1992 Maastricht Treaty founded a “Common Foreign and Security Policy ”, as one of the three pillars of EU, providing c0operation of foreign and security policies among member states with a legal basis. Nevertheless, regional conflicts in Europe of hte 90s only demonstrated that EU was not yet capable of solving military conflicts in its..

後冷戰時期波蘭外交政策之轉變可謂歐洲政治發展過程中一個相當明顯且重要的變化，本文以外交ˋ政策分析架構來檢視波蘭後冷戰時期加入北約、歐盟以及美伊戰爭後的外交政策變化，這些政策變化的主要動力來自對權力追求的強度、對合乎國家利益的理性考量、心理因素如何影響外交政策制定以及探討歷史思維在政策制定過程中扮演之角色等。 本文認為波蘭外交政策變化之因在於 : 第一，加入北約是為了滿足對外部安全環境的需求，以外交政策調整發誓獲得安全保證，決策者透過實質理性判斷，滿足加入北約的心理與歷史需求。第二..

The shift in foreign policy of Poland during the post-Cold war period can be considered as a significant process in the development of the European politics. This study focuses on the changes of foreign policy structure of Poland after the joining of NATO, EU and the US-lead war on Iraq. The changes are motivated by the strength on pursuit of power, rationality of the state interest, and the ideological and historical influence on the foreign policy making. This analysis draws the conclusion to the cause in Polish foreign policy change...

2004年10月，第五屆亞歐會議在越南河內舉行，本屆亞歐會議可以視為歐洲與亞洲兩大區域的結合。亞歐會議雖然確立了「政治對話、經濟合作和文化交流」三大領域的合作關係，但是到目前卻仍然停留在相互對話及磨合的階段，連最初步的雙方共組自由貿易區都無法達成共識; 另外，不論從經濟面向或是政治面向來檢視，亞太地區仍然是東亞國家主要貿易往來的主體，同時亞太地區已經存在著亞太經合會的對話管道，甚至東亞地區的東協加三也正在逐漸成形，成為東北亞與東南亞的主要交流管道，因此，在沒有共同經濟利益的基礎之下，亞歐..

The 5th ASEM took place on October 2004 in Hanoi, Vietnam. Although ASEM is an informal forum, it was one of the most important cross-continental regime. Though the forum establishes the structure of “political dialogue, economical cooperation, and culture interflow”, the process still lodges on dialogues of two sides, even in the free trade area that was co-established, consensus is rare.  In addition, from both political and economical aspect, the Asian-pacific region still is the mainframe of East Asian trades; the A..