本研究以為，兩岸關係的核心議題即為經濟合作擴溢到政治協議的爭 論，原因在於其涉及政黨認同、族群意識、國家認同、臺海安全，以及經濟 發展等各種複雜因素。鑑於經濟合作為當前臺灣兩岸關係進程的關鍵議題， 本研究以「新自由制度主義」(neo-liberal institutionalism)作為研究架構，分 析在 2010 年簽訂「海峽兩岸經濟合作架構協議」(Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement, ECFA)之後，臺灣民眾..

As far as cross-Strait relations are concerned, the core issue could be the argument about the spillover effects from economic cooperation toward political negotiations, because it closely relates to party identification, ethnic consciousness, national identity, cross-Strait security, and economic development. In light of the critical agenda of cross-Strait economic cooperation, this study employs neo-liberal institutionalism as the theoretical framework, and examines the impact of the Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement..

兩岸關係基本結構「政治疏離、經濟融合」，素有「經濟能否扭轉政治」之辯論。過去研究多直接討論經濟交流下的政治效果，卻較少對於經濟 「如何」影響政治多加描繪，使政治效果產出之前經濟發揮之「潛移默化過程」未能清楚交代。為能釐清經濟如何發揮政治影響力，本文以兩岸經貿交流現況中，大陸著力甚深的「台灣農漁產品採購」政策，聚焦兩岸首次漁業契作:「學甲—上海虱目魚契作」，討論經濟影響政治的機制及其作用。根據本文研究，中共對台農漁採購政策效果並不在於立即性的扭轉台..

Since the two sides of the Taiwan Strait restarted economic negotiations and signed a number of socio-economic agreements, there has been growing interests in the political implications of the economic linkage. While previous studies mostly illustrated various political outcomes of Cross-Strait economic exchanges, they tended to overlook how China can utilize its economic leverage to influence Taiwan. This paper argues that China’s preferential policies toward Taiwan farmers did not aim to alter Taiwanese identity in th..

針對漸行漸遠的兩岸關係，對岸近年推出一系列的惠台、交流政策，試圖強化兩岸民間互動，促進雙方和平統一。此類政策核心環節之一是兩岸的青年交流，自 2004 年以降，邀訪活動即不斷擴大規模，參與頗為熱絡，但此類政策能否發揮部分人士憂慮的政治影響，目前似未見系統的實證研究。 有鑒於此，作者乃透過深度訪談，搭配以問卷分析，探討此類交流接觸經驗，能否轉變參與者的政治認知及政治認同。根據作者研究發現，參與此類活動後，台灣青年既有的刻板印象，產生相當顯著的變化，但若觸及深層..

To break the stalemate of today’s cross-Strait relations, China has formulated a series of policies recently to promote cross-Strait exchanges and in the end to create pro-unification interests in Taiwan society. One of the key elements of these policies is hosting student teams from Taiwan for a short visit to China. Since the year 2004, these student teams have attracted thousands of Taiwan college students each year and through these teams, the students had first-hand contacts with the Mainland Chinese society. But t..

本文探究歐盟整合過程中出現的多樣性整合模式，並進而探討不同的整合模式對兩岸關係的適用性為何。依據「國家認同與定位的相關性」及「是否為領導或創始國」等兩項變數，本文區分出歐盟四種整合模式:德國模式對整合運動的承諾與支持度最高，其次為芬蘭模式與法國模式，英國模式則為最低。基於台灣與中國大陸政府對台灣主權存在爭議的現實，持願景路線的德國或法國模式均無法適用於兩岸關係的整合模式，兩岸整合前景最好的情況為芬蘭模式，最不理想為英國模式。模型化的結果因而可以解釋為何兩岸日..

This paper investigates the diverse approaches of EU members’ integration with the EU through modeling, and assesses the applicability of each model to the Taiwan-China relations. Building upon two variables – ‘the association with national identity and reorientation’, and ‘being the leading or founding member’ – four EU members’ integrative models stand out. The German model is proven to be the most integrationist, followed by the Finnish and the French models. The UK model app..

當前兩岸關係基本結構為「政治疏離、經濟融合」。因此，如何掌握經濟「影響」政治的力量，便成為前瞻兩岸未來的重要憑藉，另方面，如何利用或防範經濟左右政治的力量，則成為兩岸相互攻防的關鍵場域。故自胡錦濤主導對台政策後，即持續強化「寄希望於台灣人民」的各種所謂「惠台」措施，希望以此促進兩岸和平統一，但能否發揮其所期待的作用，迄今未見比較系統的評估，有鑒於此，本文根據近期民調資料，分別就一般民眾及目標社群進行觀察，分析其對中觀感與政治立場的變化，藉以蠡測此類「以經促統..

The confrontation across the Taiwan Strait has been extended from the Cold War years to the global era. Under the new circumstance, cross-Strait exchanges and contacts are not only close but also indispensible for both. And, such socioeconomic ties can be easily employed as instruments to achieve political goals. Motivated by the logic, after Hu Jintao being in charge, China has shifted its Taiwan policy from “more sticks” to “extra carrots.” The core elements of Hu’s economic statecraft are &ldq..