中國崛起下東亞區域各國的反應，是近年來廣受關注的議題，中國邊疆地區的反應則相對受到忽略。以人類歷史上並不罕見的多民族大帝國視角來看，曾經的外邦可以收入版圖，曾經的境內也可能叛離或喪失，控制程度的深淺時有變動，在尋求跨越時空通論解釋的國際關係理論視角下，這看似南轅北轍的古今中外不同帝國的收放之間、異族的叛服之間，共通的關鍵因素究竟為何？現實主義所聚焦，物質力量的興衰固然重要；但建構主義的脈絡中，異族對帝國有無文化認同，是否也不可忽視呢？於此，既有研究除關注西方的羅馬帝國，更聚焦於東方的清帝..

The reaction of countries in East Asia under the rise of China has been a topic of widespread concern in recent years, while the reaction of China’s border areas has been relatively ignored. For multi-nation empires throughout human history, foreign territories can be included, and owned territories may also be lost. The degree of control changes from time to time. From the perspective of international relations theories that seek general explanations over a wide range of times and spaces, what exactly are the key factors accounting f..

近年來，中美兩強權在印太地區的戰略競爭愈演愈烈。特別是在基礎建設上，所謂的聯通性戰略，更是兩國在印太地區較量的指標。隨著經濟的快速發展，印太地區對數位化所需的基礎建設越顯急迫。在新冠疫情後，印太國家更加關注高質量的網路基礎設施以及一些關鍵的數據驅動技術，包括人工智慧（AI）。因應此需求，中國早在「一帶一路」（Belt and Road Initiative, BRI）的旗幟下，提倡「數位絲綢之路」（Digital Silk Road, DSR），積極推進數位基礎設施合作。美國則提出了「自..

In recent years, the strategic competition between China and the United States in the Indo-Pacific region has intensified, particularly in the realm of infrastructure development. The concept of connectivity has become a key indicator of this competition, as both countries seek to expand their influence in the region. With the rapid economic growth, the demand for digitalizationrelated infrastructure in the Indo-Pacific region has become increasingly critical. In the post pandemic period, Indo-Pacific countries are more concerned about high..

本研究主要探索新冠疫情對中國一帶一路的影響，並進一步分析中國 對東南亞國家的防疫外交。本文分為四個部分，第一部份是為前言，說明 研究旨趣與架構，並就與本研究旨趣相關之文獻進行回顧；第二部分聚焦 於疫情爆發之的合作實踐。然而，這兩個特徵放在與東協國家具體互動中確實也出現若 干問題；本研究除了進一步探索之，並試圖提供解釋，且於結語處提出六 項研究發現。後，論及疫情衝擊一帶一路的國際輿論與觀點。再者，本文 於第三部分延續檢視疫情期間中國對鄰近區域（東南亞國家）的防疫外交 工作是否符合中國整體外..

This study mainly explores the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), and further analyzes China’s pandemic prevention diplomacy (PPD) towards Southeast Asian countries. This study i neighboring countries mainly responded to the long-existing strategic priority of China’s foreign policy guidelines, that is, to prioritize the neighbors as the f irst principle, while the second to implement collaboration in accordance to the differentiated relationships among partner countries. However, im..

不論從當前的理論或是實務發展來看，中國在2010年以來的對外主要 作為均以其一帶一路倡議以及亞洲基礎設施投資銀行作為分析要點，而美 國的對應則聚焦在歐巴馬總統開始，並在川普與拜登時期成熟的印太戰略 上。學界與政策界對兩國互動的研析，不外乎是基於這樣的戰略架構討 論。不過，中國如何在近年發展之中逐漸形成一套在亞洲地區的策略，用 以應對美國及其盟友的印太戰略，目前並沒有一套較完整的架構解析。本 文認為，雖然在政策偏向、對外原則以及價值觀等面向，中國並沒有採用 美國及其盟國所主張的「印太戰略」..

From either theory or practice, the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) have been identified as two major foreign behaviors of China. To respond, the United States adopts the Indo Pacific Strategy which started in the Obama administration and developed in Trump and Biden administrations. Though scholars and policy practitioners apply the aforementioned strategies to analyze US-China relations, the understanding of China’s strategy in Asia is still underdeveloped. This paper argues that while ..

隨著拜登政府（Biden Administration）對中國半導體、人工智慧以及資通訊產業進行制裁，美中兩大強權於科技領域內競爭態勢已經形成。學者與政府官員對於中國挑戰美國科技霸權感到憂慮。然而當前國際關係領域缺乏對總體科技實力建構有效測量指標，導致在衡量中國科技權力上產生偏誤。因此，本文從金融權力、人力資本和智慧財產三個面向出發，建構了一套測量國家總體科技權力的指標。從指標中可發現，儘管中國已成為科技強國之一，但其與美國之間仍存在顯著差距。透過比較個案研究發現相比於美國開放社會帶來金..

As the Biden administration imposes sanctions on China’s semiconductor, artificial intelligence, and information and communication industries, a competitive stance in the technological arena has been established between the two powers, the United States and China. Scholars and government officials are concerned about China’s challenge to the US’s technological hegemony. However, there is a lack of effective measurement indicators for overall technological capability in the current field of international relations, lead..