我國身為遠洋漁捕大國,但受限於國家身分不被聯合國及大多數國家承認,無法參與或加入大多數的國際組織,包括區域漁業管理組織在內。為此,「1995年聯合國魚群協定」遂創造了「漁捕實體」一詞,為我國開啟參與國際組織的一個機會之窗。雖是如此,我國以「漁捕實體」之身分參與區域漁業管理組織所適用之程序及享有之權利,在不同組織與不同時期均有所差異。在早期中西太平洋漁業委員會(WCPFC)及美洲熱帶鮪類委員會(IATTC)中,「漁捕實體」所適用之程序及享有之權利幾乎與國家之「..
As one of the distant water fishing nations (DWFNs) in the world, Taiwan is not able to participate in or access the works of many international organizations, including regional fisheries management organizations (RFMOs), due to the fact that Taiwan’s statehood is not recognized by the United Nations and most States. The term “Fishing Entities” was created in the 1995 United Nations Fish Stocks Agreement (UNFSA), in which it has also opened a window of opportunity for Taiwan in the participation of internat..
在聯合國教育科學文化組織《保護水下文化遺產公約》(Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage, CPUCH)之架構下,所謂 「保護」,意指現地保存(in situ),以及無法現地保存時之陸上保存。通說認為,現地保存意味著將水下文化遺產留置在海底,避免商業開發或其他非必要之干擾;此即以保護為旨趣之首要考量,僅於遭遇萬不得已之情況下,且經正當程序,認定確有打撈水下文化遺產之必要,方得捨棄現地保存選項,退而尋..
Within the framework of the UNESCO Convention for the Protection of Underwater Cultural Heritage (CPUCH), the first option for the protection of underwater cultural heritage (UCH) is ‘in situ preservation,” which means UCH ought to be left on the sea floor. Shipwreck recovery activities are necessary if and only if the competent authorities require them to happen. While multiple policy instruments are used to achieve the in situ preservation, economic instruments are rarely applied. This paper starts with a short ..
「第三屆聯合國海洋法會議」係迄今為止,聯合國所召開時間最長且規模最大的一次國際立法會議,部分學者將此會議的成功,歸因於「包裹交易」或「大國政治」的折衝。本文援引社會學領域的相關討論,使用 「意義框架」取代溫特的「共享概念」,對國際關係領域中的國際會議決策制定提出分析架構與可操作的觀察指標。此分析架構中的意義框架與行 為體行為兩者互為因果,處於一種動態的建構關係,而「共同期待」係為兩者的中介,若符合期待,兩者便趨於穩定;反之,則面臨調整。本文透過自1930年「國際法編纂會議」到1982年「..
The Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS III) might be the largest and longest international law codification conference thus far. Some scholars attribute the success of this conference to the “package deal” or “great power politics.” This paper adopts the view of constructivism and cites relevant discussions in the field of sociology and replaces Wendt’s “shared ideas” with “meaning framework” for proposing a new analysis framework with operational indicators fo..
氣候變遷改變了全球氣候,也改變了北極。北極受全球暖化影響快速冰融,改變了區域內外的國際關係。中日韓三國為爭取未來可能浮現的北極航運利益,以及北極豐富的石油、天然氣等自然資源,紛紛設法進入此一區域。三國同時採取多邊和雙邊外交,意圖強化在北極的影響力。目前為止,三國的北極政策各自為政,甚至相互競爭,很容易產生利益衝突;北極重要的戰略地位,也易引起軍事緊張。事實上,三國在北極有共同的利益,這些共同利益有可能促成三國間的合作。  ..
Climate change has changed the Arctic. The Arctic ice is melting rapidly as the result of global warming. It changed the international relationships of the region and beyond. To compete for emerging Arctic shipping routes and abundant oil, natural gas and other natural resources, China, Japan and South Korea have managed to get involved in this area. The three countries are taking multilateral and bilateral diplomatic approaches simultaneously to strengthen their influence in the Arctic. So far, the three countries are acting..
本文起源於兩大研究問題:誰在治理中國的糧食安全?中國糧食安全嗎?因此使用聯合國糧食安全定義分析中國大陸糧食安全治理機制與治理狀況,主要發現有兩點:第一是糧食議題的安全化進展。聯合國雖然從 1970 年代中葉就開始進行糧食議題的安全化,並且逐步在 1970 年代將糧食充足性,1980 年代將糧食可取得性,1990 年代將食物使用性等項目列入糧食安全的指標中,但是氣候變遷卻在 21 世紀初期成為威脅糧食安全的新變數,使得糧食供需及取得的穩定性在近期成為糧食安全的..
This paper arises from an attempt to answer the two following questions: (1)Who is responsible for China’s food security governance?(2)Is China’s food security status secured? Definition of food security constructed by the United Nations(UN)was applied to analyze China’s food security governance and status, with two important findings. First, regarding securitization of the food issues, while the UN has gradually taken food availability(since the 1970s), accessibility(since the 1980s), and utilization and sa..
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