本文基於一國憲政體制類型會影響政府在COVID-19疫情時運作的方式，嘗試探討台灣半總統制政府如何回應疫情。研究焦點放在中央政府層次，探討總統、行政院院長、疫情指揮中心（指揮官）以及國會等部門的運作，並考量一致性政府和總統兼黨主席等因素的影響。研究發現，在總統權力優勢的半總統制下，蔡英文總統在處理疫情上的角色是多重的，藉由總統和黨主席雙重身份，她既是主要政策決定者，也同時介入政策執行的督導和措施的指示。相對而言，行政院院長暨其領導的相關部會仍是因應疫情的行政主體，不過因疫情指揮中心和指揮..

Based on the fact that the type of government system will affect the way the government operates during the COVID-19 epidemic, this article attempts to explore how Taiwan’s semi-presidential government handled the epidemic. The focus of the study is on the central government level, exploring the operations of the president, the president of the Executive Yuan, the epidemic command center (commander), and Congress, and considering the impact of factors such as unified government and the fact that the president is the chairman of a poli..

新冠肺炎從2020年的年初開始席捲全球，成為當代影響全球經濟和國際政治最重要的事件，而若以染疫人口占總人口數的比率來看，民主國家在防疫的表現上並未明顯優於非民主國家的這個事實，也引起了政治制度孰優孰劣的辯論。針對這個現象，本文試圖回答「為什麼民主國家的防疫表現沒有比非民主國家來得好」以及「在什麼情況之下民主制度所擁有的優勢才能夠在防疫的表現上展現出來」這兩個問題。關於第一個問題，本文認為，由於民主國家通常全球化的程度較高，使得其在疫情初期的防堵上失去先機，再加上民主國家受限於民主的制度與..

The COVID-19 pandemic that has been sweeping the world since the early 2020 is the most important contemporary political and economic event. The fact that democracies do not outperform non-democracies in fighting the pandemic (in terms of the confirmed case percentage to their total population) aroused the debate about which kind of the political institutions is the better one. The goal of this study aims to answer the two questions about “why democracies do not outperform non-democracies in fighting COVID-19” and “when th..

在2020年新冠肺炎的肆虐之下，多數國家都面臨了疫情的挑戰，無論乎是在每日激增的感染人數、死亡人數、以及因為疫情而無法負載的醫療能量。在這種嚴峻的挑戰下，許多觀察家與學者卻看到了威權體制的優勢。因為威權體制可以忽略人權的問題，迅速進行大規模的疫區封鎖，或是對民眾強行進行檢測以及限制人身自由，進而可以較為快速的控制疫情。在這之中，中國與新加坡就是全球防疫的佼佼者。反過來說，對於歐美的民主國家，因為其防疫速度與政府反應較為緩慢，也因為其民主自由的特性而限縮了對人身自由過多的限制，進而導致疫情..

 Most countries have suffered from the COVID-19 pandemic since 2020. The numbers of confirmed cases and casualties and the overloading medical systems are all visible issues and problems each country is dealing with on a daily basis. Many observers and experts argue that authoritarian countries seem to be more capable of defending the COVID-19 pandemic because they can ignore human rights and intervene aggressively into the society to implement anti-pandemic policy, which allows quicker response to the COVID-19 pandemic and better cont..

本文初探各國社會資本、政體與新冠肺炎疫苗接種普及率與進度的關聯性。筆者關注社會資本的不同要素是否有助於各國推行疫苗接種；此外，社會資本能否作為解釋政體在疫苗接種差異的來源，特別是民主、非民主國家的區隔。本研究建置涵蓋世界價值觀調查、自由之家與疫苗接種資訊的87個國家資料庫進行實證分析。分析結果顯示制度信心如預期地對疫苗接種普及率有顯著正向效應；規範認知則對疫苗接種達標風險率有顯著負向影響，與社會資本的理論相悖。其次，不論疫苗接種普及率與達標風險率的分析，都顯示社會資本能作為解釋政體與疫苗..

This paper explores why some countries share higher COVID-19 vaccinations than others. The author addresses how social capital and regime types are associated with the rate and speed of vaccination in countries. It is argued that elements of social capital are not only able to promote the vaccinations, but also be one of mediating factors that account for the differences between types of political regimes in vaccination. Country data on social capital and political regimes is linked to data on COVID-19 vaccinations in 87 countries (includin..