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搜尋結果 : 和" Korea"有關的資料, 共有73筆
離岸風電與漁業之衝突與調和:日本新潟縣和韓國新安郡協調機制分析
Balancing Offshore Wind Energy and Fisheries: A Comparative Analysis of Coordination Mechanisms in Niigata Prefecture, Japan, and Sin-an Gun, South Korea
黃慧慈 施怡君
即將出版
63卷2期(2024/06/01)

近年來,亞太地區的風電新增裝置容量居於全球領先地位,占2021年全球離岸風電新增裝置容量的84%。然而,亞太各國在推動離岸風電建設的同時,也普遍面臨「多重使用衝突」的問題,尤其以漁業補償引發的爭議最為複雜。在處理離岸風電與漁業使用衝突方面,日本與韓國的經驗尤為重要。這兩個國家除了漁業補償的金錢補償機制之外,還採用多元的協調策略。因此,本研究旨在探討日本與韓國如何以更多元和更具有包容性的協調機制來處理離岸風電與漁業衝突的問題。 在再生能源協調機制的相關研究中,「共同所有權」(Co-..

In recent years, the Asia-Pacific region has taken the lead globally in wind power capacity additions, accounting for 84% of the global offshore wind power capacity added in 2021. However, the promotion of offshore wind power construction in various Asia-Pacific countries has faced the controversy of “conflict of multiple uses” with the coordination of fishery compensation disputes being the most complex. This study explores the possibility of establishing a new form of participation mechanism, in addition to the monetary compen..

南韓在美國與中國之間的避險戰略
South Korea’s Hedging Strategy Between the United States and China
陳麒安Chi-An Chen 吳崇涵Charles Chong-Han Wu
61卷2期(2022/06/01)

當美中兩大強權在東亞仍然維持既競爭又合作的態勢時,避險(hedging)遂成為亞太國家一個務實且富有彈性的外交政策選擇。本文認為,中國的「夥伴關係」外交在學理與實務上確實與傳統軍事聯盟存有差異。中國在後冷戰時期國際社會缺少意識形態對抗的背景下推動「夥伴關係」外交,透過改善對外關係而拉攏國際支持,進而使得周邊國家享有更多採取避險戰略的空間。南韓作為美國的亞太盟國,在美中之間的避險即為一項例證。本文認為,除非國際情勢與國際結構有明顯變化,短期之內中國應該不至於放..

As the United States and China have remained the competition and cooperation in East Asia, hedging has become a pragmatic foreign policy object for the secondary states in the region. This article explores the differences between China’s “partnership” and traditional military alliances, attempting to explain the lack of a clear ideology in the post-Cold War era and its impacts on states’ hedging. Due to the strategy of “partnership” rather than the traditional military alliance, it has prov..

金正恩時期中朝關係的合作與衝突:以國家利益觀點分析
Cooperation and Conflict of Relations between China and North Korea in Kim Jong-Un Era: A National Interest Perspective
河凡植(Bum-sig Ha)
57卷4期(2018/12/01)

本研究目的在於,從中國與北韓的國家利益角度,分析金正恩時期中朝之間合作與衝突的背景,進而探討雙方關係的走向。自習近平與金正恩於 2013 年分別出任中國與北韓的國家元首以來,由於中朝兩國皆採取對對方國家利益有所損失的政策,使雙方關係陷入緊張。就北韓的國家利益而言,穩定以金正恩為首的共產黨政權為第一要務。因此,金正恩上台之後,繼承金正日的「先軍政治」,持續研發軍事科技,進行試射導彈、第 3 次核試爆,採取「經濟、核武建設並進路線」,以凝聚國內團結,且處決危及金..

The purpose of this project is to analyze the historical background of co- operation and conflict between China and North Korea during the Kim Jung- un era from both Chinese and North Korean’s national-interest perspective, as well as the direction of bilateral relationships. Since Xi Jinping and Kim Jong-un took office as China and North Korea’s head of state in 2013 respectively, both countries have been adopting policies to lose their people’s national interest from each other, which in turn have caused g..

從「嚇阻理論」與「螺旋模式」檢視北韓第四次至第六次核試爆之間的美朝戰略互動
Analyzing the Strategic Interactions between U.S. and North Korea from the 4th to the 6th Nuclear Weapon Test by DPRK via Deterrence Theory and Spiral Model
馬準威(Chun-Wei Ma)
57卷4期(2018/12/01)

2016 年 1 月 6 日北韓進行第四次核試爆至 2017 年 9 月 3 日進行第六次核試爆,是北韓史上最密集發展核武及遠端投射能力的時期,這使美朝關係因此陷入年金正恩掌權以來最危險的時刻,雙方開戰傳言不斷。本文回顧這段期間的美朝戰略互動,發現雙方關係較貼近「螺旋模式」而非「嚇阻理論」假設。據此,若美朝對彼此「認知(perception)」無法調整,則雙方將因自我的不安全感無法解除,使對峙局面持續。而美朝關係能否走向緩解,關鍵不在美朝..

From January 6, 2016 to September 3, 2017, North Korea has executed three times of nuclear weapon testing, marking the highest frequency of testing in its history. As a result, this tension later built up the worst time of U.S.-North Korea relations after Kim Jong-un ruled the country. Because of this tension, there are a large number of reports that predict the U.S. will fight North Korea at any time. This research reviews the strategic interactions between U.S. and North Korea during that period, and then argues that the si..

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