對於強權並存且有爆發戰爭可能性的國際格局，戰爭由誰引發在學界的論點迥異。權力轉移理論認為崛起國基於不滿現狀，會對主導強權發起戰爭；另有聲音則認為衰退的國家基於預防性動機，會對崛起的對手採取行動；然而，權力轉移理論與預防性動機的論述，主要關注於戰爭的發動，此觀點反映一種以「戰爭」進行解析的框架，即探討國與國之間是否會發生戰爭。本研究則以另一個「非戰爭的攻防」的分析框架，論述主導強權與崛起國之間在兵戎之外的攻防行動。本文以美國在2022年施行的晶片與科學法案為例，論述美國對中國採行的非戰爭預..

In the international arena where powerful nations coexist, and the possibility of war exists, there are differing opinions on who triggers wars. Power transition theory suggests that a rising power will initiate war against a dominant power out of dissatisfaction with the status quo. Other argue that the declining state is motivated by preventive motivation to take action against rising adversary. However, both the power transition theory and the preventive motivation argument primarily focus on the initiation of war. This perspective refle..

隨著國際社會議題的多樣與複雜，解決各種國際議題不再單靠各國政府，加上民間團體的行為者崛起，政府如何與其互動與合作，共同解決受援國長期發展的結構性問題，則顯得越來越重要。理論上，NGO與政府之間若能有清楚分工及相互接受其角色，應可以建立一種相互增強的關係。但實際觀察卻發現，由於NGO的理想性高，加上若經費自主，就容易與政府保持距離並保持警戒，故雙方在國際援助議題上未必形成協力關係，甚至可能產生對立。     研究發現，以日本為例，影響該國NGO與政府協..

With the diversity and complexity of international issues, resolving international issues no longer rely on individual government entity. As civil society raises, how government cooperates with the civil society to resolve long-term constructive international problems has become more and more important. Theoretically, should non-governmental organizations (NGO) and the government have clear work scope and accept their roles, a mutual enhanced relationship can be built. However, NGOs are ideal in reality. And with self-sustained budget, NGOs..

近年來，亞太地區的風電新增裝置容量居於全球領先地位，占2021年全球離岸風電新增裝置容量的84%。然而，亞太各國在推動離岸風電建設的同時，也普遍面臨「多重使用衝突」的問題，尤其以漁業補償引發的爭議最為複雜。在處理離岸風電與漁業使用衝突方面，日本與韓國的經驗尤為重要。這兩個國家除了漁業補償的金錢補償機制之外，還採用多元的協調策略。因此，本研究旨在探討日本與韓國如何以更多元和更具有包容性的協調機制來處理離岸風電與漁業衝突的問題。 在再生能源協調機制的相關研究中，「共同所有權」（Co-..

In recent years, the Asia-Pacific region has taken the lead globally in wind power capacity additions, accounting for 84% of the global offshore wind power capacity added in 2021. However, the promotion of offshore wind power construction in various Asia-Pacific countries has faced the controversy of “conflict of multiple uses” with the coordination of fishery compensation disputes being the most complex. This study explores the possibility of establishing a new form of participation mechanism, in addition to the monetary compen..

霸權應對崛起強權的具體策略，是觀察美中兩強權力競爭的重要課題。國際關係受到霸權權力衰落宿命論的影響，無視霸權是戮力科技創新的國際層級結構產物。本文試圖從領導長周期論的視角，勾勒科技創新對於霸權維繫其全球主導地位的重要性，提出霸權面對崛起強權科技創新追趕挑戰的分析架構。本文解析冷戰時期美國回應蘇聯地緣戰略與日本科技創新威脅的不同面貌，辨識美國為延緩中國科技創新追趕速度，在關鍵新興尖端科技領域，所採取的出口管制、自強自固、阻絕圍堵與吸融匯濟等四種策略，並分析美國所遭遇的挑戰與契機。本文發現，..

The specific strategies employed by a hegemon in dealing with rising powers are a crucial aspect of understanding the power competition between the United States and China. International relations paradigms have been influenced by the notion of the inevitable decline of hegemonic power, often disregarding the fact that a hegemon is a product of international-level efforts in science and technological innovation. This article aims to delineate the significance of technological innovation in maintaining global dominance for a hegemon with the..

瑞典與芬蘭是歐洲實施中立政策歷史相當悠久的國家，長期以來這兩國選擇中立作為外交政策主軸，不過2022年2月俄烏戰爭爆發後這兩國決意擺脫中立、改以申請加入北約為其新的外交目標，此種策略轉變對兩國與歐洲安全形成很大衝擊。芬蘭已於2023年4月4日加入北約，2023年7月北約峰會召開之際，土耳其與匈牙利亦表態支持瑞典入約。本文所欲探討者乃是分析這兩國為何調整其長久以來堅守的中立政策理念，過往多數觀點認為瑞、芬兩國拋棄中立乃因俄烏戰爭威脅所致，但實際觀察兩國政策演變，俄烏戰爭僅是政策轉折最後階段..

Sweden and Finland are countries with a long history of neutral policies, and they have traditionally chosen neutrality as their main direction for foreign policy. However, after the outbreak of the Russo-Ukrainian War in February 2022, both countries have decided to abandon neutrality and adopt joining NATO as their new security strategy. This disruptive evolution of diplomatic strategy has had a significant impact on the security of both countries and Europe as a whole. As of the writing of this article, Finland has already joined NATO on..