臺灣民眾自我防衛的決心,對於我國國防及東亞區域和平皆有重大影響。尤其是在面對可能的兩岸衝突狀況下,了解臺灣民眾的自我防衛意 願,與國家安全息息相關。然而,如何解釋臺灣民眾自我防衛決心的差異,在現存的國際關係文獻裡面的討論有限。我們認為,民眾在理性計算是否願意參戰時,過去的從軍經驗是心理上最直接仰賴的資訊,因此從軍經驗的好壞,理論上會影響民眾的自我防衛決心。本文把從軍經驗分成三個面向,包括軍種、覺得軍事訓練對上戰場的有用程度、以及從軍時與長官的相處狀況,並於2..
What explains Taiwanese citizens’ determination of self-defense? To date, few studies touch upon this issue. We argue that one’s military service experience is an important factor for studying citizens’ willingness to fight and hypothesize that positive experience could be conducive to higher willingness for self-defense as the citizens feel they have the capabilities and preparations for a conflict. We operationalize military service into three dimensions: military branch, evaluation of usefulness of milita..
當美中兩大強權在東亞仍然維持既競爭又合作的態勢時,避險(hedging)遂成為亞太國家一個務實且富有彈性的外交政策選擇。本文認為,中國的「夥伴關係」外交在學理與實務上確實與傳統軍事聯盟存有差異。中國在後冷戰時期國際社會缺少意識形態對抗的背景下推動「夥伴關係」外交,透過改善對外關係而拉攏國際支持,進而使得周邊國家享有更多採取避險戰略的空間。南韓作為美國的亞太盟國,在美中之間的避險即為一項例證。本文認為,除非國際情勢與國際結構有明顯變化,短期之內中國應該不至於放..
As the United States and China have remained the competition and cooperation in East Asia, hedging has become a pragmatic foreign policy object for the secondary states in the region. This article explores the differences between China’s “partnership” and traditional military alliances, attempting to explain the lack of a clear ideology in the post-Cold War era and its impacts on states’ hedging. Due to the strategy of “partnership” rather than the traditional military alliance, it has prov..
二次世界大戰後,隨著全球事務的複雜化,跨國經濟活動、新科技與網路的發達,加遽了人與人之間的交流與互動,也使得國際間的相互依賴愈來愈加深與頻繁,從而大幅改變國際關係之面貌,致使國與國之間的界線也變得模糊。非政府組織的興起意味著傳統以「國家為國際事務主要成員」的觀點受到質疑與挑戰,當各國治理範疇逐步縮減時,非政府組織卻開始填補了政府在國際活動方面的空缺,在國際社會中快速擴張,因此,在進行國際援助時,若非政府組織與政府之間如能相互協力,應比其中任何一方單打獨鬥更能..
After World War II, with the complexity of international affairs, cross border economic activities, new technology and the internet contributed to the increase of human interaction. This also increases the interdependence between countries, as well as the changes in international relationships made the borders among countries more and more vague. The rise of Non- Government Organizations (NGOs) indicated that the concept of “nations as the main player in international affairs” is being challenged. NGOs gradually t..
現代日本保守主義歷來深受學術界的關注,尤其1990年代以後,日本政治社會往往被視為開始右傾化,因而出現許多從批判性角度分析日本保守主義的著作。然而,過去較少有從政治思想的角度切入之研究,故本文試圖彌補此空缺。保守主義是法國大革命以來構成現代政治思想的重要潮流,故為了理解現代日本的保守主義,政治思想的視角是不可或缺的。鑒於此,本文提出自由保守與國粹保守的分析框架,並從此角度對現代日本保守主義進行分析。自由保守是依據西方保守主義的思維,重視從「保守的」角度進行思..
The literature and academia have paid widespread attention to modern Japanese conservatism. Japan’s political society tends to be considered as leaning towards the right especially after the 1990s, resulting in many studies focusing on modern Japanese conservatism and criticizing its phenomenon. Past studies, however, did not often analyze the issue from the viewpoint of political thought, and therefore, this essay aims to fill such a gap. Conservatism has taken on an important role around the world, constitu..
本文主要關注後冷戰時期,面對中國崛起,美中兩強與以「竹子外交」聞名的泰國如何相互應對與影響?本文主要研究問題為:一、促成美中泰三方互動結構轉變之重要政治事件為何?二、美中泰三方互動是否存在第三方影響?三、美中泰三角關係內部行為如何相互影響?透過時間序列分析,統計結果佐證911事件對美中泰三角關係產生了結構轉變之效應,而中國政經因素與泰國內政因素之衝擊有限。此外,統計結果也證實美中泰三角關係中,美中互動將促成泰國利用對美政策加以平衡回應,顯示泰國面對大國政治的..
Facing China’s rise in the post-Cold War era, how do great powers, like the United States, China, and Thailand, who is famous for its bamboo strategy, interact with each other? This paper aims to answer the question by analyzing (1) what events cause structural changes in the triangle; (2) how the third-party effect works in this triangle; (3) how the three actors influence each other. By applying time-series analyses, statistical results show that the 911 attack had led to a structural change for the triangle. The impa..
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