臺灣是事實上的(de facto)獨立國家，然而其法理上的(de jure)獨立地位在中國打壓之下並不被國際廣泛承認。長久以來，臺灣藉由援助邦交國來換取外交承認，形成「建交導向」的援外政策;然而過去十多年來，在論述上、制度上和實踐上出現一系列改革，呼應美歐澳日等理念相近國家的價值，也就是經濟合作發展組織(Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development)的國際援助典則。本文主張這是從「建交導向」延伸..

Taiwan is a de facto independent country, but its de jure independence status is not widely recognized by the international society under the suppression of China. In the past, Taiwan used aid to exchange diplomatic recognition from its aid recipient countries, forming an “aid for diplomacy” aid policy. However, since the late 2000s, Taiwan’s aid policy has undergone a series of reforms regarding discourses, legal frameworks, and practices. Such reform applied the international aid regime established by like..

本文以涵蓋2000至2019年臺灣縣市與企業層級追蹤數據，定群向量自迴歸模型與固定效果迴歸模型評估兩岸貿易擴張是否對臺灣房地產業帶來影響。本文主張，兩岸貿易擴張主要透過兩種機制影響臺灣房地產業發展:一、市場動力;二、企業地產金融化。在臺灣與中國地緣政治因素下，臺灣對中國貿易順差與新自由主義轉型政策，解釋本地房地產業持續在沒有大量外資挹注，資本持續流向中國市場下，卻仍持續發展。1990年以來，兩岸貿易擴張與政府新自由主義政策轉型，臺灣房地產業投資提供高額報酬機..

In order to answer the question of how the cross-strait trade influence Taiwan’s housing prices, this study argues that two mechanisms mattered: first, the driving force of the market; and second, the financialization of real estate in corporations. I argue that the profitable environment of real estate was built by the government’s neoliberal policy from the 1990s due to Taiwan’s massive capital outflow to China. The environment attracted capital from cross-strait trade and resulted in many big corporations..

臺灣民眾自我防衛的決心，對於我國國防及東亞區域和平皆有重大影響。尤其是在面對可能的兩岸衝突狀況下，了解臺灣民眾的自我防衛意 願，與國家安全息息相關。然而，如何解釋臺灣民眾自我防衛決心的差異，在現存的國際關係文獻裡面的討論有限。我們認為，民眾在理性計算是否願意參戰時，過去的從軍經驗是心理上最直接仰賴的資訊，因此從軍經驗的好壞，理論上會影響民眾的自我防衛決心。本文把從軍經驗分成三個面向，包括軍種、覺得軍事訓練對上戰場的有用程度、以及從軍時與長官的相處狀況，並於2..

What explains Taiwanese citizens’ determination of self-defense? To date, few studies touch upon this issue. We argue that one’s military service experience is an important factor for studying citizens’ willingness to fight and hypothesize that positive experience could be conducive to higher willingness for self-defense as the citizens feel they have the capabilities and preparations for a conflict. We operationalize military service into three dimensions: military branch, evaluation of usefulness of milita..

當美中兩大強權在東亞仍然維持既競爭又合作的態勢時，避險(hedging)遂成為亞太國家一個務實且富有彈性的外交政策選擇。本文認為，中國的「夥伴關係」外交在學理與實務上確實與傳統軍事聯盟存有差異。中國在後冷戰時期國際社會缺少意識形態對抗的背景下推動「夥伴關係」外交，透過改善對外關係而拉攏國際支持，進而使得周邊國家享有更多採取避險戰略的空間。南韓作為美國的亞太盟國，在美中之間的避險即為一項例證。本文認為，除非國際情勢與國際結構有明顯變化，短期之內中國應該不至於放..

As the United States and China have remained the competition and cooperation in East Asia, hedging has become a pragmatic foreign policy object for the secondary states in the region. This article explores the differences between China’s “partnership” and traditional military alliances, attempting to explain the lack of a clear ideology in the post-Cold War era and its impacts on states’ hedging. Due to the strategy of “partnership” rather than the traditional military alliance, it has prov..

二次世界大戰後，隨著全球事務的複雜化，跨國經濟活動、新科技與網路的發達，加遽了人與人之間的交流與互動，也使得國際間的相互依賴愈來愈加深與頻繁，從而大幅改變國際關係之面貌，致使國與國之間的界線也變得模糊。非政府組織的興起意味著傳統以「國家為國際事務主要成員」的觀點受到質疑與挑戰，當各國治理範疇逐步縮減時，非政府組織卻開始填補了政府在國際活動方面的空缺，在國際社會中快速擴張，因此，在進行國際援助時，若非政府組織與政府之間如能相互協力，應比其中任何一方單打獨鬥更能..

After World War II, with the complexity of international affairs, cross border economic activities, new technology and the internet contributed to the increase of human interaction. This also increases the interdependence between countries, as well as the changes in international relationships made the borders among countries more and more vague. The rise of Non- Government Organizations (NGOs) indicated that the concept of “nations as the main player in international affairs” is being challenged. NGOs gradually t..