當前兩岸關係基本結構為「政治疏離、經濟融合」。因此，如何掌握經濟「影響」政治的力量，便成為前瞻兩岸未來的重要憑藉，另方面，如何利用或防範經濟左右政治的力量，則成為兩岸相互攻防的關鍵場域。故自胡錦濤主導對台政策後，即持續強化「寄希望於台灣人民」的各種所謂「惠台」措施，希望以此促進兩岸和平統一，但能否發揮其所期待的作用，迄今未見比較系統的評估，有鑒於此，本文根據近期民調資料，分別就一般民眾及目標社群進行觀察，分析其對中觀感與政治立場的變化，藉以蠡測此類「以經促統..

The confrontation across the Taiwan Strait has been extended from the Cold War years to the global era. Under the new circumstance, cross-Strait exchanges and contacts are not only close but also indispensible for both. And, such socioeconomic ties can be easily employed as instruments to achieve political goals. Motivated by the logic, after Hu Jintao being in charge, China has shifted its Taiwan policy from “more sticks” to “extra carrots.” The core elements of Hu’s economic statecraft are &ldq..

在戰後日本民主憲政史上，2005 年舉辦的第 44 屆日本眾院議員選舉深受各界重視，特別是因為該屆選舉，是日本政治史上首度因重大政策遭國會否決，內閣首相逕予交付民意定奪的一項公民複決選舉。當時自民黨的執政內閣能否在改選中贏取民心，亦或由民主黨等在野黨派來更迭政權，不僅攸關小泉純一郎首相政治生命與改革路線的延續，更牽動日本未來政經局勢的發展走向，其重要性確實不容小覷。 有別於過往研究囿限於宏觀層次或質化的研究途徑，本文嘗試根據日本選舉研究..

The 44th Japanese House election in 2005 has played a significant role in its post-war democratic history and also drove a lot of attention in the academics. The importance of this election, regarded as the national referendum for the postal reform, relies on the fact that it is the first time the House is dismissed because of unsolved policy gridlock. The consequence of the election not only results in the destine of LDP coalition government and the political career of Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi, but also the developme..

儘管阿弘認為自己的國際政治理論只適用於冷戰時期，但基於 20 世紀中葉以來日益強調不確定性的科學走向，並參照摩根索、瓦爾茲等人對科學概念的理解，今天似乎可以從三個知識論層級看出他的理論並沒有過時的問題:第一、在元理論層次，他以一系列的二律背反和特殊符碼，點明了許多不確定性的問題;第二、在元結構層次，他透過社會學與歷史學的方法論，將當事人與政治實體推出更嚴謹的二項式互動結構;第三、在實踐學層次，他對一系列外交行為提出二律背反的探索，從而不但超越了精確科學在確定..

It is with regards of the importance of the uncertainty for the current scientific philosophy that we want to interpret the theory of the international relations of the Cold War by Raymond Aron, using the comprehension which is concerned with the scientific conceptions of Mogenthau, Waltz, and others; and we want to verify not only that this theory keeps a sort of efficiency until today, but also that Aron has found some theories about the uncertainty on a higher level. We first want to show, in the field of metathe..

行政改革是當前民主國家發展的趨勢，在追求績效、提升統治能力之際，行政改革有其必要性。日本以行政改革手段提升政治家的政策能力，特別是強化政治領導者首相的領導權作法，與 1980 年代以來進行政改革的國家相較，最為特殊且引人入勝。 對於日本行政改革的既有研究大致將焦點置於以下三點:一為從新自由主義的觀點，討論「小政府」的時代趨勢，二為中央省廳的大幅縮編以及衍生的效果與影響，三是討論首相輔佐機關的強化。然而卻少觸及強化政治家的政策能力，甚至是..

To build an efficient and active government, most democracies are practicing administration reform for their necessities and inevitabilities. Comparing with the democracies which reformed since 1980s, Japan is the most absorbing one that makes use of administration reform as a way of consolidation of prime minister's leadership. The current researches are focused on these three dimensions: first, the trend of “small government” from the neo-liberalism perspective; second, the effect of agencies redu..

2007 年初俄國新移民法生效後，俄屬遠東當地華商因而被迫離境，衝擊當地經濟甚鉅。俄羅斯自阻其急需人力資源的矛盾，惟有對黃禍的疑懼能作合理解釋。本文以為，俄屬遠東「黃禍論」實屬臆測誇大居多，乃係不同相關面向下產生的迷思。在俄國對外戰略因國際格局驟變而未定之際，「黃禍論」得以從中復萌，而遠東區與中央之間潛伏的疏離感亦同時觸發。此又強化當地的特殊性及經濟發展的區域遲疑，除讓地方與中央因視界歧異屢生扞格，亦造成中央整體戰略與地方區域發展間的認知衝突。在國際與國內結..

After the new immigration laws that came into force in the beginning of 2007, Chinese merchants in the Russian Far East were forced to leave, and local economy was significantly impacted as well. The fears of “Yellow Peril” obviously can explain such various paradoxes - Russia cut off its relationship with Chinese labor resource. This thesis contends that Russian Far East’s “Yellow Peril” is a gross exaggeration based on unfounded assumptions, and a myth emerged from several related dimensions. A..