1648 年西發里亞條約簽訂後，「領土律令」成為主權國家的一項基本原理。 可是，像泰國這樣的東南亞國家，在劃定政治空間以後，卻未能完全地控制邊界。在邊界地帶，中央政府的政治權力相當虛弱，而且，容易遭遇挑戰。冷戰時期，泰國政府因認知到共產主義威脅，而將邊界地帶的高山民族納入國家統合的議程中。為有效地對邊界地帶的高山民族進行統治，且主張統治的正當性，泰國官方創造出一套關於高山民族的論述體系，使得「山民」成為泰國北部高山民族的一種身分織別的負面標籤。泰國政府持續地把焦點放在「山民問題」的解決，..

Since 1648, territorial imperative has become a basic principle of the modern sovereign nation-state system. With the emergence of modern nation-states in peninsular Southeast Asia in the post-colonial era， however, those states' writ still fails to extend to the borderland. During the Cold War period, the central government of Thailand perceived Communism as a threat to Southeast Asia, thus necessary to integrate the highlanders into a territorially bounded nation. For effective ruling， the term chao khao (hill tribe peoples ) was used..

本文主要是補充論述日本新選舉制度與自民黨走向集權化的關係。既有研究指出，在新選舉制度下，日本自民黨的派閥勢力逐漸地瓦解，從政治過程的觀察中，同時顯示出自民黨派閥的影響力確實也在消退中。本文發現，自民黨在新選舉制度下，依然維持「現任者優先」的提名策略，而「現任者優先」卻具有默認既存派閥勢力的意味。就此而言，派閥勢力應該保有足夠的生存空間，又為何會在新選舉制度下逐漸消退呢 ? 本文擬從候選人在新選舉制度下的「趨中現象」、「政權公約」的黨中央主導、重複提名的設計與比例的提高，以及 「七十三歲屆..

The main purpose of this paper is to further elaborate on the relationship between Japan's new electoral system and augmentation of power in the LDP central committee. The existing studies pointed out that the newly-reformed electoral system in Japan leads to a gradual decline of factions within the LDP while the actual power of the LDP central committee was elevated. However, this paper argues that if LDP's nomination process in the new electoral system still complies with the principle of “incumbents first," which w..

地方立法權是代表地方人民行使意思表達的權力，亦是民主國家地方自治體的最核心權力。如何在府際合作中持續地方立法權的功能與職責，以落實地方自治，是本研究的問題意識。本研究以府際合作的地方立法權之角色為核心，首先，探討地方自治體中地方立法權的角色 ; 其次，審視府際合作中地方立法機關之定位 ; 最後，以日本的廣域行政制度為例，剖析地方立法權在其中所扮演之角色。

Local legislative power is the representative authority that executes the will of the local people and is the pivot of authority within the local government in democratic countries. How to maintain the functions and duties of the local legislature under the intergovernmental cooperation system, and thereby lead to the fulfillment of local self-government is the central problem of this paper. Focusing on the local legislative power under intergovernmental cooperation, this paper will explore the role of local legislative power in the local g..

軍事創新自 1980 年代中葉起成為戰略研究的重要研究議題之一，從創新一詞的提出，與對擴散、邏輯漸進主義以及突現性變革途徑等相關概念的轉化、應用與深入研究，均呈現出跨科際研究的多元風貌。在各種背景不同、功能互異的學科交相衝擊下，使得軍事創新的相關論述不斷推陳出新。加上後冷戰時期，各主要國家軍隊為因應威脅形態的轉變，無不積極從事軍事轉型的工作，這些因素使得創新與轉型不僅成為戰略研究中的學理論戰焦點，更具有鮮明的實務重要性。誠如 Andrew Pettigrew 所言：對於創新的研究不當限於..

Military innovation became one of the major research agendas within the field of strategic studies since the mid-1980s. The military innovation studies, at the onset, presented the landscape of interdisciplinary diversity From the introduction of the term "innovation" to the translation, application, and investigation of related concepts such as diffusion, logical incrementalism, or emergent approach, the knowledge of military innovation, which was deeply affected by the contributions of various disciplines whose academic backgrou..

當代民主和平研究已不再局限於民主政體間的戰爭機率，有些學者已經開始轉向研究威權政體間的戰爭機率。這樣的研究發展，有利於促進國際政治和比較政府兩個次領域的對話，而本文亦嘗試將威權政體分類相關的比較政治研究，帶入國際政治場域進行分析。2002 年 Mark Peceny、Caroline C. Beer和 Shannon Sanchez-Terry 提出 「獨裁政體和平假說」(dictatorial peace)，主張威權政體間亦存在低武裝衝突機率。而且，如果再將威權政體進一步分類，則僅有單..

When analyzing the relationship between regime type and the possibility of militarized interstate conflict, an interdisciplinary dialogue between the fields of comparative politics and international relations is vitally demanded, especially when stepping into the further area of democratic peace, “dictatorial peace." In 2002, Mark Peceny, Caroline Beer, and Shannon Sanchez-Terry concluded that a lower conflict possibility does exist among non-democratic regimes. Moreover, after classifying non-democracies into three categories, t..