過去數十年來，外來直接投資出現大幅的成長，跨國企業在經濟全球化的過程中扮演益發重要的角色。然而，跨國企業在進行海外投資時多少會遭遇到來自地主國的政治風險，而導致經營損失或人員傷亡。國際關係學界中，商業自由主義者認為，商業活動與軍事衝突環境無法相容，軍事衝突將對跨國企業的海外投資造成負面影響。對此，本文從跨國企業的角度，分析軍事衝突在跨國企業進行政治風險評估中的地位，進而主張跨國企業的產業異質性將導致不同產業的跨國企業，對軍事衝突作出不同的認知與回應。因此，迥..

Over the past decades, foreign direct investment(FDI)has grown significantly. The role of multinational corporations(MNCs)has become more important in terms of facilitating the process of economic globalization. Nevertheless, while conducting investment overseas, MNCs inevitably face the uncertainty of political risks, including militarized conflict, in host countries, which may deter MNCs’ investment and lead to decrease in FDI inflow. Based on this logic, commercial liberalism argues that commerce cannot exist in a co..

歐債危機的發生表現在數個歐元會員國面臨高政府赤字、高負債的財政困境，故被統稱為歐債危機，但事實上此一危機是由數個性質不盡相同的個別危機所組成:希臘危機本質上為一財政紀律蕩然的政府治理危機;愛爾蘭與西班牙危機則為美國次貸危機所引發的不動產資產泡沫與銀行危機;義大利與葡萄牙危機則涉及結構性的長期成長危機。依此本質而言，德國所推動的撙節方案與財政公約僅涉及到公部門改革與恢復財政紀律等面向，只能對危機的終結提供部分的答案。財政紀律的執行與危機的解決有賴成長與就業的提..

The European sovereign debt crisis emerged from a few euro members being stuck with high-deficits and high-indebtedness, and thus is oversimplified to be referred to as the euro debt crisis. It, in fact, consists of several individual crises with different causes. The Greek crisis was a governance crisis that lacks of fiscal disciple by nature; the Irish and Spanish crises were the bubble crisis of the property sector and banking crisis caused by the US sub-prime crisis; the Italian and Portuguese crises involve more structur..

本文檢視在後冷戰時代石油美元機制對美國霸權之影響，並關注美國領導地位在 1991 年波灣、2003 年伊拉克與 2011 年利比亞等戰爭中的角色。在處理國際事務中，美國霸權逐漸採行單邊行動，因而產生合法性危機之質疑。因此自 1990 年以來，美國便宣稱願意承擔昂貴之經濟成本與犧牲其國家之利益，以便與他國建立聯盟共同對抗流氓國家之威脅。美國能以維繫穩定之國際經濟秩序，與贏得反恐作戰之合法性名義發動先制戰爭。為了理解這一看似非理性之行為，根基於 Pierre B..

This paper explores the impact of petrodollar mechanism on the hegemony of the United States in the post-Cold War era. It particularly focuses on the two wars against Iraq respectively in 1991 and in 2003 and the Libyan war in 2011, all under the leadership of the U.S. The U.S. hegemony has been experiencing a legitimacy crisis caused by its increasing tendency towards unilateral actions in international affairs. In order to form alliances among Western nations to confront the rogue states, the U.S. government has demonstrate..

本文主要的目的是探討戰略文化研究在國際關係領域中的發展與理論定位之相關問題。國際關係戰略文化研究乃源自於軍事歷史學者對國家戰爭方式與作戰傳統之探討，並開始蓬勃發展於 1970 年代的冷戰時期。在社會科學國際關係研究領域中，戰略文化的研究方向是企圖在以物質為基礎的現實主義論述外，強調從文化意念與歷史途徑的角度，探討國家行為者在國際環境中的戰略行為模式根源。目前，西方關於戰略文化研究的文獻相當多，但在這豐富的文獻中迄今仍尚未產生一個共同而且被接受的戰略文化概念，..

This paper seeks to explore the development of strategic culture in the field of international relations by highlighting the problem of its theoretical orientation. The research of IR strategic culture stemmed from the research of traditional ways of war by many military-historical scholars and started to emerge since the 1970s. The main research purpose of strategic culture is trying to look at the ideational origin of state behavior in the international environment by taking the perspective of culture under the dominance of..

國際政治經濟學(簡稱國政經)自 70 年代開始發展以來，不僅呈現出理論(自由主義、重商主義與馬克思主義)與研究途徑(理性主義與反思主 義)的競逐，同時也有美國(American School)與不列顛學派(British School)間關於學科定位、研究議題與方法論上的差別。本文主要目的在於從三個面向來介紹及探討國政經的不列顛學派:一、為何該學派被稱為 British School?與國際關係英國學派(English School)有何差別?二、不列顛學派..

Since the 1970s, the International Political Economy(IPE)has explored various research methodologies and methods. However, the disciplinary boundary of IPE is still controversial. The main purpose of this article is to discuss the British School of IPE from three dimensions. First, why is this school called “British?” Are there differences between the British School and the English School of international relations? Secondly, British School scholars prefer to call this new discipline the” Global Political Ec..