當代斯里蘭卡泰米爾民族運動的發展，並非僅是一種受到斯里蘭卡獨立後期政治、社會與經濟發展激化的現象，而係深植於斯里蘭卡泰米爾獨特的殖民歷史經驗、種姓社會結構與濕婆文化傳統脈絡之中;在這種發展脈絡之下，使得晚近斯里蘭卡泰米爾民族運動在追求「意拉姆」世俗性建國理想的過程中，不斷流露出令許多觀察者感到驚訝的濃厚宗教性色彩。透過聚焦於「濕婆信仰復興運動」與「種姓制度」對於當代斯里蘭卡泰米爾民族運動發展的影響，並通過「泰米爾意拉姆解放之虎」實際發展例證的考察，本文企圖追..

The recent development of the Tamil nationalism in Sri Lanka is not simply the results of political, social, and economic simmering in the post- independence era, but deeply rooted experiences of colonial history, caste system, and the Saivite culture unique to the Tamils. Such development has led to surprises among observes of such gross religious phenomenon throughout the Tamil nationalist pursuit of “Eelam” – the secular ideal of statehood. Focusing on the Saivite revivalism and the caste system as well a..

本文主要目的在分析東協國家對此一波「東亞區域」合作與整合的認知差異，以此分析此一波以東協為核心的東亞合作發展的前景。東亞區域經濟合作與整合是一個多元且複雜的過程，此一波的合作中，東協國家始終強調要扮演掌舵者的角色，並堅持各項以「東協加三」為基礎的合作都要在東協的組織架構中進行，希望對東亞區域的合作議程有實際的主導權。然而，在實踐上，東協國家之間的合作模式本來就較容易受外力的影響，面對中國、日本所提議不同版本的合作，東協成員之間有不同程度的吸引及排斥，也造成了..

The purpose of this paper is to examine perceived differences among the ASEAN countries toward East Asia regional cooperation and integration, and to analyze the prospect of recent regional cooperation with ASEAN members in the foremost position of such development. Regional economic cooperation and integration in East Asia is a diversified and complicated process. Since the beginning, ASEAN countries have been emphasizing on their principal role in leading the process. They want to play a dominant role in influencing the age..

本文主要在探討泰國金融改革過程中，國內主要行為者之間的制度性關係。受到 1997 年金融風暴的影響，民主黨(Democrat Party)的乃川 (Chuan Leekpai)政府接受國際貨幣基金(International Monetary Fund, IMF)的建議與援助，從國家長期發展的角度出發，採取了相關的結構性改革政策。但是，2001 年上台的塔克辛(Thaksin Shinawatra)政府卻採取凱恩斯主義為主的民粹政策，希望可以在短期內達到金融..

This paper explores the domestic institutional arrangements and relationships among key political and financial actors in the process of Thailand’s financial reform. Affected by the Asian 1997 financial crisis, the Chuan government adopted structural reform policies which were suggested by the IMF as a long-term solution. However, the Thaksin government which took office in 2001 adopted Keynesian and populist policies to stimulate economic growth and financial stability which focused on short term results. Whose policie..

國際關係理論多集中於討論無政府狀態(anarchy)假設延伸下的國家互動，對國際體系中的層級(hierarchy)現象，並沒有多所注意。尤其新現實 主義的研究典範，忽略國際體系發生層級結構的可能性，更輕視討論層級結構的價值。 層級結構是國家在國際體系內追求發展與生存的過程中，所衍生出的一種權力分配暨權威(authority)規範的建構結果。霸權穩定論(Hegemony Stability Theory)與權力轉移論(Power Tran..

Neorealism and Neoliberial-institutionalism have paid little attention to the international hierarchy because international hierarchy could not take place in an international anarchic structure. The international hierarchy is a constructed result coming from the interaction of power distribution and normative authority in the process of which states seek survival and development in the international system. The international hierarchy has four characters: the asymmetry of actor’s power resources, the differen..

本文屬於規範性的研究，在於提出個人對於國際永久和平的看法。本文分為六個部分。首先，對於歷史上曾經出現過的國際和平思想進程進行析論;其次，探討目前有無可能跳越「國家」這個長久存在的和平論述主體? 第三，嘗試解開和平論述的傳統面紗，將和平論述的主體從抽象的「國家」 轉移到更為實質的「政府」;第四，介紹「開放和平論」的理論基礎;第五，探究「開放政治市場」在歷史發展過程中曾經有過的若干實踐經驗及其意義;最後，則是對「開放政治市場」的內涵及實踐可行性表述。「開放政治市..

This article is normative in nature; it attempts to delineate the author’s view on international peace in six parts. It begins with a review of the development of international peace theory, and then advances to a discussion on the possibility of skipping the “state”—the long established subject in peace discourse—in our probing of the issue in point. The third part attempts to shift the abstract subject of the “state” in traditional peace discourse to a more substantial one of the &l..