本文以 Victor D. Cha 之日韓準同盟理論分析，探討日、韓雙方在東海油氣田爭端上不斷出現合作與衝突局面擺盪的特性。由過去日、韓雙方在東海油氣田爭端上之互動，可以看出以下的特性:(1)在雙邊關係上，當日韓兩國所面對的「拋棄」或「牽連」的不安感程度為「不對稱」時，如 1972 年 美國總統尼克森訪問中國之後，日、韓之間因此而產生衝突，並促使日韓各自試圖與中國合作;(2)當日韓兩國面對的「拋棄」或「牽連」的不安感程度為「對稱」時，如 1977 年美國總統..

This research analyzed the characteristics of repeated cooperation and conflicts between Japan and Korean over disputes of the East China Sea oil and gas field based on the Japan-Korea quasi-alliance model of Victor D. Cha. In previous disputes over the East China Sea oil and gas fields, the characteristics of Japan-Korea interaction are organized as follows: (1)When the instability level of abandonment or entrapment faced by Japan and Korea in their bilateral relationship is asymmetric, conflict arises between Kor..

氣候變遷改變了全球氣候，也改變了北極。北極受全球暖化影響快速冰融，改變了區域內外的國際關係。中日韓三國為爭取未來可能浮現的北極航運利益，以及北極豐富的石油、天然氣等自然資源，紛紛設法進入此一區域。三國同時採取多邊和雙邊外交，意圖強化在北極的影響力。目前為止，三國的北極政策各自為政，甚至相互競爭，很容易產生利益衝突;北極重要的戰略地位，也易引起軍事緊張。事實上，三國在北極有共同的利益，這些共同利益有可能促成三國間的合作。  ..

Climate change has changed the Arctic. The Arctic ice is melting rapidly as the result of global warming. It changed the international relationships of the region and beyond. To compete for emerging Arctic shipping routes and abundant oil, natural gas and other natural resources, China, Japan and South Korea have managed to get involved in this area. The three countries are taking multilateral and bilateral diplomatic approaches simultaneously to strengthen their influence in the Arctic. So far, the three countries are acting..

1970 年代前後，西方曾有許多重大的學術知識「轉向」，旨在批判或修改邏輯實證論的基本結構。政治學界沒有抓好這個重要的轉折，故陷入方法論的困境，而無法調節學門內各領域的關連，形成「分桌吃飯」的局面。這個危機在冷戰驟然結束之時爆發，形成國關內部現實主義和建構主義的大論戰，其後又形成 2001 年美國「政治學的改造運動」。然而，都未能有效地化解政治學內部長年積壓的矛盾。本文認為，索緒爾開啟的現代語言學概念，以及維根斯坦科學哲學後期的逆轉，共同奠定了一道更寬廣的轉..

According to the language concepts defined by Ferdinand De Saussure and the late philosophy created by Ludwig Wittgenstein, this article attempts to point out a possible “turn” that may render the study of politics “an ecumenical science of politics” upheld by Gregory Kasza in the Perestroika movement of the discipline in 2001.  

隨著反傾銷稅及平衡稅等貿易救濟措施之增加，反規避條款之適用亦愈趨頻繁且產生了若干隱憂。進口國雖然認為反規避措施係為了處理規避反傾銷稅及平衡稅之問題而具有正當性，但規避行為同時有可能僅是生產者或出口商的在進口國或第三國的直接投資行為。與反傾銷稅及平衡稅係受 WTO 反傾銷協定及補貼暨平衡稅措施協定規範不同，WTO 對於反規避措施並未加以規範，因此產生了適用上之若干問題。若進口國對於原本非屬反傾銷稅調查對象之進口產品，以反規避調查之方式擴大對其適用反傾銷稅，即表..

Accompanying an increase of anti-dumping measures, anti-circumvention actions aim to prevent escapes from the anti-dumping measures, but also raise certain concerns. An Importing country may have justified reasons to initiate anti-circumvention investigation on the importing products not included in the original anti-dumping measures, because circumvention nullifies or reduces effective antidumping. However, circumvention might be just nothing more than direct investment in the importing country or a third country. Anti-dumpi..

王金平黨籍訴訟案同時凸顯出國家管制(司法審查)/政黨自主的界限問題、政黨自主/個人自由的界限問題，以及黨內民主原則的適用範圍問題等。本文參考有限度審查說、司法審查基準理論、外國政黨法、國內外相關司法判決，對前述問題得出下列結論: 第一，為能具體釐清政黨自主及司法審查之界限，筆者建立三階段之審查基準。依序審視:政黨在程序方面之規定及運作，是否違反國家法律規定及民主原則，致使黨員權利受到不合法之侵害，或受到少數人之打壓?政黨在實體方面之規定..

The lawsuit of Wang Jin-pyng’s party membership has exposed problems concerning the boundary between state regulation ( judicial review)and party autonomy, between party autonomy and individual freedom, as well as the scope of application of the principle of inner-party democracy. Based on the “theory of limited review”, the standards of review, party laws of foreign countries, as well as related domestic and foreign judicial decisions, this study came to the following conclusions regarding the abovementione..