在過去的二十年以來，理論辯論成為寬廣的國際關係理論領域中日益顯著的部份。如果我們需要使用一組可信而適當的理論，來回答關於在特定條件下國際關係理論分歧的向題，則現有理論無法提供一個滿意的答案。 本文嘗試提出一個整體的觀點，來理解國際關係中的研究途徑與理論概念現存的分歧情形。基此目的，本研究的目標，在於藉由統攝概念的運動，以建立 一個國際關係理論分歧現象的分析架構，來理解那些主理論分歧的現象。 本文的討論並未解決那些現存理論分歧的問題，只是嘗試說明一個理論的爭議將會如何予以解..

Over the last 20 years, theoretical debates have become an increasingly conspicuous part in the broader field of international Relations Theory. If we are in need of an adequate theory that provides a set of plausible and testable answers to questions about theoretical diversity under specified conditions, the existing theory, in term, does not suffice. This paper attempts to provide a comprehensive perspective to understand the existing diversity of research approaches and theoretical concepts of international relations. To this end, t..

1990年統一前，東德由德國社會主義統一黨進行威權統治，西德則為一個自由民主國家，政黨在公平的競爭制度中運作。兩德統一後，政治制度迥異的兩個體系在重整過程中，必然會出現嚴重的磨合現象。不同於以往探究政黨體系僅重視體系內單純的「相關性政黨數字」的變化，與政黨「意識形態」距離與強度的差異，本論文試著從「社會分歧」(social cleavage)出發，觀察德國統一以來，社會結構分歧程度與政黨反應此基礎所呈現的互動關係，並說明政黨勢力的興衰，如何合作結盟或是分裂結構，已呈現德國政黨體系的內涵特..

Before German unification in 1990, East Germany/GDR was authoritarian-governed by the Socialist Unity Party of Germany and West Germany/FRG was a democratic state with a relatively fair competitive party system. Serious conflicts between totally different political systems must have emerged when they started to become a unified state. Differing from the traditional approach to studying party systems through party numbers and ideologies, the author will, through “social cleavage,” examine how German parties reflect the change of ..

2006年9月19日泰國爆發字1991年以來首次的軍事政變，結束了長達近一年的反塔克辛運動，總理塔克辛(Thaksin Shinawatra)被迫下台並流亡海外，臨時政府預計將以一年的時間進行政治改革，修訂新憲法與重新舉行國會大選，塔克辛時代正式宣告結束。事實上，2001年時塔克辛率領泰愛泰黨(Thai Rak Thai Party)以極大的差距擊敗民主黨(Democrat Party)，順利當選泰國總理，歷經四年的執政之後，再度於2005年獲得連任。儘管塔克辛具有龐大民意的支持，但由於..

The first coup d’etat since 1991 in Thailand on 19 September 2006 ended not only the year-long anti-Thaksin demonstrations, but also Thaksin’s political career. The provisional government, led by General Sonthi Boonyaratglin, organized by the Council for Democratic Reform (CDR), was determined to restore a democratic government, to revise the new constitution, and hold a general election within one year. In the 2001 general election, Thaksin Shinawatra led the Thai Rak Thai (TRT) Party and triumphantly defeated the Democratic Pa..

在一個以美國為首的後冷戰單極國際體系中，次級強權與美國之間的動態性權力安排，將直接影響單及體系是否得以續存。傳統國際關係理論主張「權力平衡」是維持國際社會與區域安全的穩定要素，但該理論針對的是強權間為維持軍事戰略利益，所採取以軍事力量作為手段的平衡關係，對於後冷戰時期美國與其他次級強權的互動，似乎缺乏解釋的效力。在這些次級強權當中，歐洲聯盟扮演一個非常特殊的角色。歐洲與美國同享重要的文化與宗教價值，但在具戰略意義的議題上，兩者的歧見卻益形明顯。歐盟在重大國際議題上與美國的背道而馳，已形成..

In a U.S.-dominated post-Cold War unipolar international system, the possible power shifts between the second-tier great powers and the Americans, such as a systemic balance, will have great impacts on the existence and endurance of the current international system. According to the Realist theses, “balance of power” is a stabilizing factor that contributes to international security and regional stability as the great powers endeavor to prevent concentration of capabilities in one or a few nations through the process of distribu..

後物質主義與女性主義價值兩者之間的關係，在相關研究中存在兩種對立的觀點:一種觀點認為後物質主義與女性主義兩種價值，本質上存在相近性，發展上則有一致性，兩者追求非物質性的價值，同樣是後現代價值體系變遷的一部份，產生於新社會運動相似的背景，同樣代表新政治分歧的價值;再者，兩者的發展步調一致，同樣建立在社會經濟心理安全感的基礎上，社會經濟條件越發達或是後工業化的國家，女性主義以及後物質主義的價值傾向越普遍。另一種觀點則認為後物質主義與女性主義的發展並非相近的價值，..

This study focuses on the varied and complicated relationship between postmaterialism and feminism, and examines two contradicted hypotheses regarding their relationship. Hypothesis one assumes both sets of value sprung simultaneously from very similar origins and contain similar value components, under the rubic of new social movement and new political cleavage. Therefore, they are closed related to each other, for those postindustrial countries which support feminism tend to adopt postmaterialism values as well. To the oppo..