財政短缺常是政府選擇 PFI 的主要原因之一，PFI 可以幫助政府克服財政上的兩難:即在緊縮的財政情況下，仍能透過較高的私人資本支出增加公共投資。本文主要的目的即在檢驗具有豐富 PFI 經驗的英國，尤其是新工黨執政時，是否符合這項假設。此外，本文也試圖回答新工黨選擇 PFI 的理由、主要的作法及其如何面對黨內 PFI 的反對者，以貫徹其執行 PFI 的決心。研究發現保守黨政府採取 PFI，確實存在政府部門面臨的財經壓力，工黨政府並非在財政壓力下，為了控制公共..

Financial shortage is the main reason governments choose PFI. Literature on PFI almost always argues that they can solve the government financial dilemmas under extreme conditions of retrenchment through more private capital spending to boost public investment. The purpose of this study is to examine whether the British government under the New Labor matches the hypothesis. Moreover, this study tries to find out why and how PFI has been adopted and carried through by the New Labor in spite of oppositions within the party. We ..

本文旨在分析歐元對倫敦金融中心其影響與未來發展。以倫敦金融中心目前境外金融的特質，歐元的出現對其意義為機會多於威脅，然而，本文發現，此一境外金融的競爭優勢卻未因此使其內部對歐元議題產生一致的態度，反而出現嚴重的意見分歧。根據此一發現，本文因而對過去習於認為倫敦金融中心以其對英國經濟與政治的重要性，其政策偏好將為主政者決策指標的傳統看法提出質疑。本文解釋此一分歧的立場反應的是倫敦金融中心對於應如何發展為國際金融中心的兩種途徑之爭論:國際境外金融途徑與境內實體金..

This paper examines what the euro means, both to the current offshore- dominated City of London (the City) and for its future development. With its offshore nature, the City benefits more from the introduction of the euro than being threatened. Its competitive advantage as an offshore global portal of euro-related business, however, does not harmonize opinions within the City on the issue of the UK’s euro membership. Rather, City practitioners’ attitudes are divided. This finding thus challenges the conventional w..

歐盟於 1968 年成立一個糖共同行銷組織，在價格體系下，針對糖採取國內補貼與出口補貼。補貼額度超過歐盟 1995 年減讓承諾的補貼金額與出口數量，影響到澳洲、巴西與泰國糖的出口利益，而向 WTO 提起控訴。本案顯示補貼問題的複雜性，尤其很多國家透過國內補貼，而對出口產品實施交叉補貼，形成變相的出口補貼，這是本案的主要爭議。歐盟糖出口補貼被認定為違反 WTO 農業協定相關規定，因此影響到澳洲、巴西與泰國糖合法利益。本案對於歐盟糖體系的改革、WTO 杜哈發展議..

The European Union (EU) established a Common Organization for sugar in 1968, and accordingly applied subsidies to sugar under the price support system. However, the EU has been providing export subsidies in excess of its budgetary outlay and quantity commitment levels specified in the Schedule of 1995, thereby nullifying or impairing benefits expected to accrue to Australia, Brazil and Thailand under the Agreement on Agriculture. This case demonstrates the complexity of subsidies, in particular as more and more WTO members ap..

民主化後金融體系受到執政黨與地方派系及內需財團的選舉結盟影響，使得特權貸款氾濫以及金檢無法落實，是本土金融風暴發生的重要背景之一，危機發生後的重建過程也同樣受到政治力的干預，拖延了重建法案的提出、通過與執行。金融重建包括處理問題金融機構與壞帳、強化銀行競爭力以及強化金融監理與公司治理。從台灣金融重建的經驗中得知，政府推動經濟改革的決心與能力受到了幾項政治因素的制約。首先是政黨與地方派系與內需財團之間的關係，兩者在政治獻金、選舉動員與政策優惠上的互賴，使得前後..

The political intervention in financial institutions after democratic transitions induces the prevalence of privileged loans and damages banking regulations. This is an important cause of the local financial crises between 1998 and 1999. The process of financial restructuring is also subject to political interference. The packages include liquidating financial institutions, privatizing public banks, and strengthening financial regulations and corporate governance. The experience of financial restructuring demonstrates that th..

本文分析美國貿易授權法時期(2002~2007年)FTA的簽訂策略。影響 美國簽訂FTA策略的因素大致可分為外在因素與國內因素兩類。外在因素包括了九一一恐怖攻擊事件、中國崛起、東亞經濟整合、歐盟東擴、WTO 談判受挫、FTA盛行，以及歐盟與中國在拉美的勢力逐漸擴張等因素。國內因素則是由於貿易授權法的通過，國會進一步賦予行政部門對外談判的權力與快速立法程序，使美國從過去強調多邊主義的政策，轉變為多邊主義與雙邊主義並行。美國採取競爭自由化的貿易政策，使用自由貿易..

This article analyzes the Free Trade Agreement (FTA) strategy adopted by the United States during the valid period of the Trade Promotion Authority Act (2002~2007). Because of the external factors, such as 911 terrorist attacks, rise of China, the economic integration of East Asia, EU’s expansion, the frustration of WTO negotiations, the fashion of FTA, the EU and China’s expanding influence toward Latin America, and other domestic factors such as the power of negotiation and the fast track procedure offered by th..