2008 年 9 月，美國、玻利維亞及委內瑞拉三國爆發令周邊國家擔憂的嚴重外交衝突事件。這個緊張情勢雖然在三方決定自我克制的情況下，除了相互驅逐大使，情勢並未惡化，但三方何以採取如此克制的作為，是筆者欲在本文探討的議題。本文利用傑維斯(Robert Jervis)1976年書中所提出決策者的認知、對他國意向的解讀、敵意的高低等認知心理途徑的核心概念，檢視 2008 年美、玻、委三國外交衝突事件中，三方究竟本於何種的利益考量或計算，才做出相互克制以緩解衝突的決..

In September 2008, there was a serious diplomatic confrontation involving the United States, Bolivia, and Venezuela that alarmed other countries in the Western Hemisphere. The decision to exercise self-restraint on all sides meant that action was limited to the mutual expulsion of ambassadors and the crisis did not escalate. In this paper, the author studies why the three countries exercised such self-restraint. Robert Jervis’ core concepts of policymakers’ perceptions, the understanding of other countries’ ..

在美國歷史上所簽訂的 14 項 FTA 中，NAFTA 與 CAFTA-DR 最能展現總統與國會在 FTA 政策制訂上所扮演角色與影響決策的程度，故本文以此兩項 FTA 作為研究美國 FTA 決策主體的案例。研究發現，在對外政策的決策主體的三種不同的模式:總統主導模式、國會主導模式與互動模式中，總統模式最能解釋美國 FTA 政策。總統具有龐大的國內外行政資源與政黨力量，可以干預國會的決策並改變個別議員的投票傾向，在不影響 FTA 基本內涵與目的下促使國會通過..

Among all 14 FTA’s signed by the U.S. in history, NAFTA and CAFTA-DR - selected by this paper as cases to identify the entity that owns the power of dominating the U.S. FTA policy - most represent the dynamics and impacts of President and Congress on the FTA policy formation. The research shows that among the three models of decision-making entities of foreign policy - President, Congress, and Interaction, the President model best explains the decision-making of FTA policies. President controls enormous external and int..

二次世界大戰後，若干國家為使其外匯存底或公共基金產生更佳的增長效益，開始由政府設置主權財富基金，近年來其規模急遽膨脹而備受矚目，2007 年較 2006 年增加 18%而為 3.3 兆美元，預估至 2015 年將超過 12 兆美元。2008 年開始因美國次級房貸所引發的全球金融危機，主權財富基金成為許多國家與企業救亡圖存的希望。從國際政治經濟學的角度來看，符合「相互依存理論」與全球化理論中「過程論」的觀點;但在迅速發展下也出現了若干問題，不但動輒影響國際金融..

After World War II, in order to obtain better growth performance from the large foreign exchange reserves or public funds, several new financial institutions in East Asia and oil-producing countries in the Middle East started to have their governments establishing the Sovereign Wealth Fund. The Sovereign Wealth Fund has attracted wide attention as their scales rapidly expanded in recent years. The fund scale increased by 18% in 2007, as compared to 2006, and reached USD 330 billion. It is estimated that the funds will exceed ..

台灣四大族群的比例，在過去有戶籍資料身分可供參考，而在民國 81 年之戶籍法新修正規定，除原住民身分與族別外，其他族群並不記載。因此族群間的明顯分界線一夕消失，然而四大族群仍然存在。 欲瞭解現今台灣四大族群間的人口比例，通婚情況是必要瞭解的問題。本研究發現，過去傳統以父親為主要認同的方式，正逐漸發生變化，而這與父母親輩之族群通婚有相當大的關係。尤其以目前台灣在社會政治上，皆以台灣優先為本位，而本省閩南族群又為優勢族群，因此只要與本省閩南..

There used to be household registration data on the percentage of the major four Taiwanese ethnic groups. However, based on the amended Household Registration Law in 1992, only indigenous people and their tribes are identified in the database. While the distinct categorization among the four groups blurred overnight, the four groups remain. In order to understand the population percentage among the four groups, it’s necessary to understand the inter-group marriage. In this research, it has found that the trad..

當歐洲聯盟完成 2004 年和 2007 年東擴以後，烏克蘭、白俄羅斯與摩爾多瓦三國成為歐盟與俄羅斯權力競爭的緩衝地帶，此三國外交政策偏好與未來可能走向對歐洲地區未來整合具重要意義。從對外政策制訂過程來看，一國外交政策選擇除受外部環境影響外，內部改革因素不容忽視，尤其歐盟於後冷戰時期推動之擴張政策對周邊國家產生極為深遠之影響。基於此，本文將採取社會穩定、民主化與經濟依賴三要素做為分析架構，以社會穩定與否、民主化程度高低、對外經濟依賴程度三變項理解此三國外交政..

Belarus, Moldova, and Ukraine occupy the focal point of political development in the European continent after the end of Cold War when European Union completed its eastern enlargement. The author argues that social stability, democratization and economic dependency are three major factors influencing Belarus, Moldova, and Ukraine’s foreign policy choices. First, the more stable social order within the country, the likelier government may foster a more unified foreign policy. Second, the more democratic political process..