國家機關(the State)是否利用國家資源干預市場(the Market)、國家機關是否應選擇某些特定產業加以扶植(selective policy)?這些投入資源是否能被有效達成發展的目的?是政治經濟學界有關「新古典經濟學派」與 「發展型國家學派」爭辯的焦點。在東協國家中，同樣自 1970 年代發展汽車產業，為何泰國與馬來西亞的汽車產業發展出現差距?差距是否源自國家機關與產業政策互動的結果?本研究藉由探討馬來西亞與泰國汽車產業的發展歷程，試圖比較與論證..

Whether should the state interfere the market by using state resources? Should the state cultivate certain industries? Does the state resources work to help the state achieve developmental goals? These are the arguments between the ‘New Classical Economics School’ and the ‘National Development School’. Automobile industries in both Thailand and Malaysia developed in the 1970s with governmental interference but the development in the two countries diverged. Does the difference come from the interactions..

本文觀察台灣與韓國發展過程的差異，對兩地金融危機形態以及金融重建進展的影響。兩國金融重建過程的差異受到危機形態的制約，這又受到之前發展形態的影響，亦即是否出現雙元經濟:同時存在一個面對軟預算的內需部門與一個面對硬預算的出口部門。韓國的金融危機，除了一開始的壞帳率較高之外，更包含外匯危機，另外出口重心的財閥負債淨值比高，而且很多是國際的借貸，產生急迫的壓力要採取結構性的改革措施以挽回市場的信心，不同面向改革工程在短時間內次第開展。雙元經濟的存在使台灣的金融危機..

This paper explores how patterns of development affect types of financial crises and financial restructuring by comparing the experiences of Taiwan and South Korea. With or without the presence of dual economy determines the nature of the financial crises, eventually affecting the scopes and paces of restructuring packages in the two countries. Dual economy in this context denotes the coexistence of an efficient exporting sector and an inefficient domestic sector. The financial crisis in South Korea involved high initial non-..

本文探究歐盟整合過程中出現的多樣性整合模式，並進而探討不同的整合模式對兩岸關係的適用性為何。依據「國家認同與定位的相關性」及「是否為領導或創始國」等兩項變數，本文區分出歐盟四種整合模式:德國模式對整合運動的承諾與支持度最高，其次為芬蘭模式與法國模式，英國模式則為最低。基於台灣與中國大陸政府對台灣主權存在爭議的現實，持願景路線的德國或法國模式均無法適用於兩岸關係的整合模式，兩岸整合前景最好的情況為芬蘭模式，最不理想為英國模式。模型化的結果因而可以解釋為何兩岸日..

This paper investigates the diverse approaches of EU members’ integration with the EU through modeling, and assesses the applicability of each model to the Taiwan-China relations. Building upon two variables – ‘the association with national identity and reorientation’, and ‘being the leading or founding member’ – four EU members’ integrative models stand out. The German model is proven to be the most integrationist, followed by the Finnish and the French models. The UK model app..

歷史制度論是一問題意識、方法立場與理論建構三者緊密結合的學派。研究者始自經驗的問題意識，欲解答大問題與真實世界的難題，並由此引導出特定的方法立場與理論建構模式。在方法立場上，歷史制度論者同意質化研究的「因果過程模式」，並運用比較方法進行系統性、脈絡性的歷史過程分析。但歷史制度論者並未拘泥於質化方法的基本教義，面對量化陣營的質疑，反而持開放的立場並提出多元的回應方式。在理論建構上，歷史制度論者具有「中程理論」的共識，並從整體觀點和權力途徑探討制度運作，能結合不..

As a school, historical institutionalism integrates research agenda, theory and method as a whole. Researchers in this field intend to answer “big questions” and to solve real-world puzzles, inducing specific characteristics in their theory and method. In aspect of method, historical institutionalists agree on “causal process model” in the qualitative researches and analyze historical process systematically with the comparative method. Facing the challenge from quantitative researchers, historical inst..

受到越來越多新興民主國家制訂半總統制憲法的影響，對於半總統制的相關研究也越來越受到重視。依照學界對半總統制的定義，威瑪共和與芬蘭都在 1919 年設計出符合半總統制內涵的憲法，可說是當代最早的兩個半總統制的個案。這兩個國家的憲政運作卻有完全相反的結果:威瑪在 1933 年崩潰，而芬蘭先是渡過經濟危機，更在 80 年代逐漸往議會制轉型。本文擬就制度與非制度因素的互動，討論這兩個個案運作的迥異結果。本文將從憲法理論做比較的出發點，分析兩種不同理論基礎的半總統制憲..

As democratization spread in Eastern and Central Europe over the last two decades, Semi-Presidentialism has become a concept with more attention paid when discussing constitutional issues. By definition, the Weimar Republic and Finland were two of the initial experiments of semi- presidentialism. However, the constitutional practices in the Weimar Republic and Finland are worlds apart. Both semi-presidential, the Weimar Republic had broken down but Finland became a quasi-parliamentary democracy. This paper intends on discussi..