近年臺灣學界常有對「中國研究」方法與議程的改進呼聲，本文試圖介紹日本國關學界的中國研究，提供本土中國研究及發展之參考點。本文主要 討論「中國研究」在學科定位與學科史上，以什麼樣的方式演變?而在日本國際關係的主要社群中，「中國研究議程」呈現什麼樣的特色?本文以「日本國際政治學會」所編輯刊物國際政治為核心，對其中的中國研究相關論文加以分析並歸類。時間範圍是 1957-2008 年，討論二戰結束後，日本國際政治學界對於中國的研究方法、研究觀點、主要研究成果之系譜。..

Currently, there has been an increasing voice to reconsider the methodology and agenda of “China studies” within the Taiwanese academic community. With this respect, this paper introduces the China studies achieved by the Japanese academic community to support the developmental basis of China studies in Taiwan. Two questions lead the argument in this paper:(1)what is the transformation of the contemporary China studies in the Japanese international relations(IR)community? and(2)what characteristics are presented f..

法國與臺灣的政府體制都屬於半總統制，法國的憲政經驗中曾出現過三次的「左右共治」，臺灣的憲政經驗中卻從未出現過「藍綠共治」，何以如此?這是本文欲探討的課題。本文藉助賽局理論作為分析工具，探討制度安排如何影響行動者間的策略互動，以致最後產生了共治與否的差異。法國與臺灣擁有不同的選舉制度和不同的國會保障機制，在兩種制度因素的交互作用下，會引導分屬不同政黨陣營的總統和國會多數產生不同的政治計算與策略互動，最終導致法國出現「左右共治」，臺灣卻沒有出現「藍綠共治」。 ..

Both France and Taiwan’s political systems are semi-presidential. However, “cohabitation” in French constitutional experience has occurred three times while Taiwan has never seen “cohabitation” until now. Finding the reason for this difference is the central question of this paper. By using the game theory as an analysis tool, the paper explores how the institutional design influences the actors’ strategic interactions, which underlies the discrepancy between France and Taiwan in “coh..

跨國公民政治是國關學界在過去三十多年間開啟的新研究領域。數十年下來，學界已累積一定研究經驗與成果。為使本研究課題能更進一步深入發展，實有必要統整迄今之研究發現，有系統地了解與整理學界於此議題的發展軌跡，以便釐清其中的特點、突破與不足。本文主要目的有二，分析近年來跨國政治研究的發展脈絡，進而討論至今跨國公民政治研究的發現與局限。 本研究認為，跨國公民政治研究，在研究方法上歷經多次的典範轉移，開啟不同的研究視角，不同階段的研究發現也使跨國公..

The field of transnational civil politics have been a rapidly developing research focus in the international relations scholarship, and impressive amounts of research findings have been published during the last few decades. It is essential to review and examine the systemic development of research in the academia. This paper aims to tackle the task by reviewing and analyzing the research path of transnational civil politics studies, hoping that the discussion will not only provide an overall historical analysis of the resear..

1951 年歐洲首次在沒有流血戰爭的狀態中開始進行和平統合，此有別於歐洲歷史紛亂與戰爭的常態。從戰後、歐洲開始統合、歷經德國統一及蘇聯共產主義集團瓦解兩大地緣政治鉅變，到 2007 年歐盟最近一次擴大至今， 統合過程中，歐洲國家之間及其與美國及俄羅斯(蘇聯)的權力互動關係，以及各強權與歐洲地理空間的互動關係對歐洲統合產生重大的影響與不同的地緣政治意涵。 第二次世界大戰後，歐洲國家處於美蘇對峙複雜的權力互動關係中，資源統合、採取共同立場(..

The integration of Europe began in 1951. Within the process of integration, there were three dimensions of power interactions: the interaction among European states, the interaction among America, Russia (Soviet Union), and European states, and the interaction between great powers and the European geographical space. From the beginning of the European integration, the unification of Germany and the collapse of the Russian communist bloc, and to the latest expansion of EU, the geopolitical changes had important impacts and sig..

當代中國政治領導人及公共知識分子努力營造中國是一個「負責任的大國」形象。雖然他們審慎地觀察外界如何期待中國，但是他們卻又未必願意滿足外界對於所謂「負責任」的定義。在全球化時代，外界總是關心中國是否能夠參與解決、減緩或預防各種全球治理問題。不過，不論是古典的或當代的中國政治思想，往往強調反躬自省，因此中國政府在體現對自身的世界責任時，幾乎無例外的都以中國能妥善處理與全球治理相關的內部問題為目標，以確保中國自己不成為全球問題為職志。相較於歐美發達國家勇於標舉全球..

Both the political leaders and intellectuals in China want to present the image of her being a responsible country in the world. Their understandings of responsibility are not directed at an external audience, although they closely watch what the latter expects of China. In the global age, the expectation is always about China’s contribution to conflict resolutions, and alleviation and prevention of global problems, whatever it may be. The Chinese political thoughts, classic as well as modern, are so grounded in their c..