本文旨在探討歐盟與中國如何實踐戰略夥伴關係的目標，以及分析在過程中所面臨的阻礙。本文從歐盟與中國如何認知自身國際地位開始，檢視雙方從夥伴關係走向戰略夥伴關係的期望，評估在實質上是否具有此等關係的基礎，以及雙方為何在解除對中國軍售禁令以及承認中國市場經濟地位此二議題上遲遲無法取得共識。本文認為歐盟和中國對於戰略夥伴關係的認知並不明確，在具體議題上缺乏實質合作，因而難以取得突破性的發展。現今歐盟與中國的交往已經進入「務實省思期」，雙方都必須思考如何在現有的框架對..

This article aims to examine the implementation of shaping the EU- China Strategic Partnership and investigate the obstacles they are encountering. Accordingly, the article will answer the following questions: (1)How do the EU and China define their strategic objectives?(2)What do they expect from the implementation of the strategic partnership?(3)Do they have fundamental consensus and benchmarks to shape this relationship? (4)Why does the EU reject to lift the arms embargo against China and refuse to recognise China’s ..

觀察歐盟統合，歐盟 2004 年東擴是一項重要事件，因為透過東擴，歐盟將原屬於共產集團的中東歐國家納入歐盟會員國，並將歐盟價值規範與制度運作融入了中東歐新會員國的政治、經濟與社會生活之中，這一項成就讓歐洲大陸的和平與穩定局面大步向前;歐盟東擴後，歐盟對外關係研究主軸擴散到歐盟與鄰近國家交往，以歐盟睦鄰政策作為主要政策工具。歐盟的基本假定是，如果歐盟東擴取得豐碩成果，歐盟應該繼續複製東擴經驗、以誘因方式繼續向東擴散歐盟的理念與制度。但實際觀察睦鄰政策推動過程，..

The studies of EU’s Incentive Policy in its eastern and southern area have gained prominence in the literature. These findings suggest that the top- down/ bottom-up norms diffusion and adaptive learning process are helpful for the spread of democratization in new member and acceding states. More recently, after the completion of EU’s eastern enlargement, increasing studies are expanded to Eastern European countries; Ukraine and other eastern partners become the focal points of methodological objectives. The advent..

過去的研究指出在 1996 至 2008 年臺灣四次總統選舉中，認同是一個影響選民投票抉擇的重要因素，在 2012 年的總統選舉中，認同是否仍然為一個重要的影響因素，是本文的主要探討問題。本文首先從認同理論的界限設定觀點，討論臺灣認同的階段，提出臺灣認同已從第一階段的「省籍」對立，到第二階段的「臺灣意識/中國意識」之爭，而在兩岸恢復交流後，因為認同界限的改變(臺灣 vs.中國)，進入到第三階段的「國家認同」層次。在第三個階段，臺灣與中國之間存在文化聯繫與政治..

Previous studies show that identity is an important factor in voting choice in the past four Taiwanese presidential elections between 1996 and 2008. This paper aims to explore whether identity still retains its impact on voting choice in the 2012 presidential election. The author starts with the discussion on the development of the Taiwan identity. Theoretically, identity can be regarded as a type of boundary setting and its development includes three stages. The first stage is the distinction between Benshengren and Mainland..

2011 年 5 月 2 日美國特種部隊攻擊賓拉登(Osama bin Laden)之住處並且結束長達十年對於頭號國際恐怖分子的追擊，在此之後，各國對於此事件的反應呈現出不同的面貌。本文將以實證方法研究美國與各國的外交關係、各國對賓拉登事件的反應、主要媒體評論之間的互動關連，整理出支持與不支持美國的總表。本研究亦將思考:在採取爭議性的方法達成其國家利益的同時，美國霸權是否可以在未來持盈保泰?本研究所採取的新聞分析方法，是否能夠提供外交政策研究更多的可能性? ..

As the U.S. special forces thundered into Bin Laden’s compound and terminated the decade long chase of the most wanted terrorist on May 2, 2011, the global reaction to this incident presented diverse versions for interpretation. This empirical study answers the questions: can the U.S. identify those who support or oppose its foreign policy by their reactions to the Bin Laden incident? By probing into the governmental archives and major media in selected countries, this research answers two more important questions: has ..

大喜馬拉雅流域因全球暖化導致冰川消融，面臨河川水量下降與乾旱危機。因這些河川多係跨界，水資源匱乏引起各國間的緊張，其中尤以中共與印度兩大強權關係最受矚目。中印跨界河川源頭都在中共控制的西藏高原，中共「南水北調」工程及在布拉馬普特拉河上游築壩，讓印度深感威脅，在缺乏水資源合作及資訊分享機制下，兩國現實主義的傾向，進一步惡化既存緊張關係，也使兩國水戰爭陰影揮之不去。  

The glaciers melting of the Great Himalayan basin due to global warming has resulted in river water shortage and drought crises. As many rivers of the area are trans-boundary waters, water scarcity has aroused tension between countries. The relationships between the two powers – China and India – attract the most attention. As the sources of all shared rivers between the two countries lie on the Tibetan Plateau, which is under control of China, China’s South-to-North Water Diversion Project has thus posed si..