厚資料(thick data)這個名詞大約在 2013 到 2014 年間被創造出來。先在網路上流傳，後來出現在管理學的評論及期刊之中。一開始，這個詞的意思是強調「質化」方法的知識建構，多是從人類學的視角出發。但這並不新。其實，「厚」的核心內涵很早就在人類學中被運用，原稱叫作厚實描述(thick description)，因此，現在使用「厚資料」一詞者，不少是從「厚描述」或「厚敘事」(thick descriptions)的人類學民族誌研究方法(ethnog..

As a reflection and supplement to data-driven research, thick data was firstly proposed as a complementary method of using data to engage in meaning mining in 2013. Through the case of Chinese political economy, this article demonstrates how the use of thick data enables researchers to overcome the problem of data distortion. It argues that meaningful use of data sources is based on the identification of actors. In order to do so, researchers are required to answer the following two questions: Who are the actors contributing to the tendency..

2011年3月11日，日本規模9.0地震所引發的海嘯，導致福島核電廠出現爐心燃料熔損及放射物質外釋的緊急狀態。福島核災後，媒體大篇幅的報導，引發了國人對核電安全的普遍關注，也激起國人對國家整體核電政策的關心。為了解福島核災後，新聞媒體使用哪些框架再現核電議題? 這些媒體框架是否因報別的不同而有所差異?福島核災後新聞媒體報導凸顯了哪些人的觀點?這些人所呈現的立場與價值為何?有何差異?以及福島核災後新聞媒體的報導呈現何種趨勢?在媒體框架和價值觀點上是否有所變化?..

This study aims to explore how newspapers represents the nuclear power issue in Taiwan after the Fukushima Event, a catastrophic failure at the Fukushima I Nuclear Power Plant on 11 March 2011. The Fukushima Event has significant implications on both energy policy and anti-nuclear campaign in Taiwan. It also draws the attention of media coverage and has great impact on how media frame the Fourth Nuclear Power Plant dispute in Taiwan. The analysis of media frames and values within ongoing nuclear power policy debates not only ..

在德國多層級聯邦體制和單一選區兩票聯立制(Mixed-member pro-portional representation, MMP)作用下，聯邦眾議院(Bundestag)與邦議會(Landtag)選舉，常因不同層級間之政治連結(Politikverflechtung)，形成相互影響的關係。故選民常將聯邦政府的執政效能，在邦議會選舉中直接歸責於執政黨在邦層級對應的參選政黨，而邦議會選舉因此也被視為「測試性選舉」(Testwahl)。依「次級選舉」(The..

Under the influence of the German multi-level federal system and mixed- member proportional representation (MMP), the Bundestag (the Federal Parliament) and the Landtag (the Representative Assembly) elections often form interrelated and interactive relations due to the political connections (Politikverflechtung) characteristic of different government levels. Therefore, in an ongoing Landtag election, voters often directly attribute the federal government’s ruling efficiency to the ruling party’s standing counterpa..

本研究認為，為更加切合國際關係的現實，必須從全球與區域層次重新修正國際關係理論的結構現實主義。攻勢現實主義雖然初步涉及全球-區域層次，提出區域霸權概念，不過由於該理論在本體論、體系結構理論和區域層次上的論述缺失，最終還是受到守勢現實主義框架的限制。本文因此以Barry Buzan和Richard Little的「互動能力」概念作為物質性建構的關鍵因素，使攻勢現實主義的本體論和體系結構觀得以動態化，並填補該理論在區域層次上的不足。本文也將區域層次作為全球層次的..

This study argues that in order to fit into international relations, it is neces- sary to establish a global-regional level of structural realism. Despite the con- tribution of Offensive Realism by bringing in regional hegemony to the global level, it challenges the traditional assumption of structural realism, which is the constant anarchy underlies the international system. However, due to the defi- ciency of Offensive Realism in explaining ontology, system-structure theory, as well as the regional level, it ultimately retu..

本文認為，「既有強權美國 vs. 崛起強權日本」(1931~1941)與「既有強權美國 vs. 崛起強權中國」(1993~2018)的比較，能為現今的美中關係提供許多建設性的思考。本文從既有強權的角度觀察其如何回應崛起強權;以Randall Schweller的歸納為基礎而建立一個相對完整的政策選擇全貌。作者發現:面對1931~1941年崛起的日本，美國先採「中立、綏靖」，後改採「制衡」，最終採「戰爭」。面對1993~2018年崛起的中國，美國以「交往」為基..

This paper argues that the comparative study of the two cases - the US dominant power vs. the Japan rising power (1931-1941) and the US dominant power vs. the China rising power (1993-2018) can provide ample constructive thinking on the contemporary US-China relations. This paper focuses on how a dominant power reacts to a rising power. An analytical framework of dominant powers’ policy options toward rising powers, based on Randall Schweller’s theories, is developed and applied to this study. This paper has found..