本文主要在探討泰國金融改革過程中,國內主要行為者之間的制度性關係。受到 1997 年金融風暴的影響,民主黨(Democrat Party)的乃川 (Chuan Leekpai)政府接受國際貨幣基金(International Monetary Fund, IMF)的建議與援助,從國家長期發展的角度出發,採取了相關的結構性改革政策。但是,2001 年上台的塔克辛(Thaksin Shinawatra)政府卻採取凱恩斯主義為主的民粹政策,希望可以在短期內達到金融穩定與刺激經濟成長。到底是乃川的政策抑或是塔克辛的政策成功帶領泰國走出金融風暴的陰影,並且有效達成金融改革與經濟復甦?在本文中使用兩項重要的制度變項:透明化(transparency)與問責(accountability),以及兩項分析層次:治理結構 (governance structure)與監理架構(regulatory framework)來比較這兩任政策在金融改革政策上的差異。本文主張塔克辛經濟學(Thaksinomics)並不是經濟成長取向,而塔克辛也不是泰國後金融危機時代表現良好的關鍵因素。事實上,塔克辛政府只不過接收乃川政府時代所奠定下來經濟與金融穩定的基礎,因為乃川政府所採取的結構與政治改革,有效提升了泰國治理結構與監理架構的透明化與問責程度,因此造成後續金融改革的成功。
This paper explores the domestic institutional arrangements and relationships among key political and financial actors in the process of Thailand’s financial reform. Affected by the Asian 1997 financial crisis, the Chuan government adopted structural reform policies which were suggested by the IMF as a long-term solution. However, the Thaksin government which took office in 2001 adopted Keynesian and populist policies to stimulate economic growth and financial stability which focused on short term results. Whose policies should take credit for Thailand’s successful financial reform and economic recovery? This paper uses two institutional variables: transparency and accountability, and two analytical levels: governance structure and regulatory framework to compare the performance of the Chuan government and the Thaksin government in respect of their financial reform policies. It argues that Thaksinomics is not growth driven, and Thaksin also should not take entirely of the credit for Thailand’s post-crisis development. The Thaksin government benefited from the economic and financial stability laid down by the previous Chuan government. In conclusion, this study shows that previously established structural and political reform enhanced transparency and accountability of the governance structure and regulatory framework, thereby contributing to the successful financial reform.
2006年9月19日泰國爆發字1991年以來首次的軍事政變,結束了長達近一年的反塔克辛運動,總理塔克辛(Thaksin Shinawatra)被迫下台並流亡海外,臨時政府預計將以一年的時間進行政治改革,修訂新憲法與重新舉行國會大選,塔克辛時代正式宣告結束。事實上,2001年時塔克辛率領泰愛泰黨(Thai Rak Thai Party)以極大的差距擊敗民主黨(Democrat Party),順利當選泰國總理,歷經四年的執政之後,再度於2005年獲得連任。儘管塔克辛具有龐大民意的支持,但由於..
The first coup d’etat since 1991 in Thailand on 19 September 2006 ended not only the year-long anti-Thaksin demonstrations, but also Thaksin’s political career. The provisional government, led by General Sonthi Boonyaratglin, organized by the Council for Democratic Reform (CDR), was determined to restore a democratic government, to revise the new constitution, and hold a general election within one year. In the 2001 general election, Thaksin Shinawatra led the Thai Rak Thai (TRT) Party and triumphantly defeated the Democratic Pa..
本文觀察台灣與韓國發展過程的差異,對兩地金融危機形態以及金融重建進展的影響。兩國金融重建過程的差異受到危機形態的制約,這又受到之前發展形態的影響,亦即是否出現雙元經濟:同時存在一個面對軟預算的內需部門與一個面對硬預算的出口部門。韓國的金融危機,除了一開始的壞帳率較高之外,更包含外匯危機,另外出口重心的財閥負債淨值比高,而且很多是國際的借貸,產生急迫的壓力要採取結構性的改革措施以挽回市場的信心,不同面向改革工程在短時間內次第開展。雙元經濟的存在使台灣的金融危機..
This paper explores how patterns of development affect types of financial crises and financial restructuring by comparing the experiences of Taiwan and South Korea. With or without the presence of dual economy determines the nature of the financial crises, eventually affecting the scopes and paces of restructuring packages in the two countries. Dual economy in this context denotes the coexistence of an efficient exporting sector and an inefficient domestic sector. The financial crisis in South Korea involved high initial non-..
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