受到越來越多新興民主國家制訂半總統制憲法的影響,對於半總統制的相關研究也越來越受到重視。依照學界對半總統制的定義,威瑪共和與芬蘭都在 1919 年設計出符合半總統制內涵的憲法,可說是當代最早的兩個半總統制的個案。這兩個國家的憲政運作卻有完全相反的結果:威瑪在 1933 年崩潰,而芬蘭先是渡過經濟危機,更在 80 年代逐漸往議會制轉型。本文擬就制度與非制度因素的互動,討論這兩個個案運作的迥異結果。本文將從憲法理論做比較的出發點,分析兩種不同理論基礎的半總統制憲法,並討論這兩種半總統制憲法在危機社會的運作情況。在威瑪是民主崩潰,而芬蘭則是 延續,並且在外部危機消退後逐步向議會制轉型。制度具有的根本差異,加上外在環境的因素,是造成兩個半總統制國家一個崩潰,一個穩定轉型的因素。許多新興民主國家設計半總統制憲法之後,開始追求制度化與民主穩定的目標,這兩個國家的歷史經驗當可以提供一些比較的經驗。
As democratization spread in Eastern and Central Europe over the last two decades, Semi-Presidentialism has become a concept with more attention paid when discussing constitutional issues. By definition, the Weimar Republic and Finland were two of the initial experiments of semi- presidentialism. However, the constitutional practices in the Weimar Republic and Finland are worlds apart. Both semi-presidential, the Weimar Republic had broken down but Finland became a quasi-parliamentary democracy. This paper intends on discussing the differential essences of the semi-presidential constitutions. We will also compare the discrepancy between constitutional essence and practice of these two semi-presidential regimes. The different experiences of the Weimar Republic and Finland can inspire new Semi-Presidential democracies.
本文探討半總統制下的立法課責,以臺灣與法國為個案進行比較研究。「立法課責」指如何讓立法者(集體或個別)的所作所為能為利害關係人知道,而據以獎懲。過去比較臺、法的研究發現,總理總統制的法國,國會的運作型態較偏內閣制;總統議會制的臺灣,運作則較偏總統制,因而在傳統印象上,多會認為法國會較重視以政黨為對象的集體課責,臺灣則可能較偏重以候選人或立委為對象的個別課責。 本文乃透過制度規範上對選舉前與選舉後的資訊公開要求,比較臺灣與法國在集體課責與個別課..
This paper explores the legislative accountability under semi- presidentialism and uses the case study approach to compare Taiwan with France. “Legislative accountability” refers to how the actions of legislators (collectively or individually) can be known to interested parties, and how rewards and punishments can be used accordingly. The literature comparing Taiwan and France in the past found that the parliamentary operation of the French premier-presidential system is most similar to a cabinet system; whereas Taiwan’s p..
瑞典與芬蘭是歐洲實施中立政策歷史相當悠久的國家,長期以來這兩國選擇中立作為外交政策主軸,不過2022年2月俄烏戰爭爆發後這兩國決意擺脫中立、改以申請加入北約為其新的外交目標,此種策略轉變對兩國與歐洲安全形成很大衝擊。芬蘭已於2023年4月4日加入北約,2023年7月北約峰會召開之際,土耳其與匈牙利亦表態支持瑞典入約。本文所欲探討者乃是分析這兩國為何調整其長久以來堅守的中立政策理念,過往多數觀點認為瑞、芬兩國拋棄中立乃因俄烏戰爭威脅所致,但實際觀察兩國政策演變,俄烏戰爭僅是政策轉折最後階段..
Sweden and Finland are countries with a long history of neutral policies, and they have traditionally chosen neutrality as their main direction for foreign policy. However, after the outbreak of the Russo-Ukrainian War in February 2022, both countries have decided to abandon neutrality and adopt joining NATO as their new security strategy. This disruptive evolution of diplomatic strategy has had a significant impact on the security of both countries and Europe as a whole. As of the writing of this article, Finland has already joined NATO on..
請輸入想查詢的期刊標題、關鍵字、作者相關資訊. Please enter the journal title, keywords, and author-related information you want to query.