相對於泰國與馬來西亞,印尼是東南亞最早發展汽車業的國家,也有內需市場支撐,但是印尼並沒有像泰國成為亞洲的底特律,也沒有如馬來西亞建立起國家汽車品牌,而成為「有市場無技術」的「無科技工業化」。本文以政治經濟學領域中的「制度分析」途徑,就國家干預、政商關係、跨國產業分工等三個角度分析印尼汽車產業失靈的原因。受限於印尼政治經濟的結構因素,本文發現印尼汽車產業失靈的原因在於:在產業發展時期國家的干預政策沒有「學習」與「管理」市場;本土資本未建立產業所需相對的供應鏈,汽車鉅子「亞洲教父」的政商關係的利益共生,國家機關與產業部門也就缺乏產業轉型的「合夥」(partnership)動機;外資並未技術移轉,無法帶動產業進步。即使有龐大的市場支撐,現今印尼汽車產業並未達到應有的發展水準。本文提出:未來印尼汽車產業發展的關鍵在於政治經濟的「制度轉型」。汽車產業政策必須建構在能順利推進讓全體民共享利益,如果加上本土企業的成長與學習,具天生發展優勢的印尼汽車產業才有進一步產業升級的可能。
With respect to Thailand and Malaysia, Indonesia was first in Southeast Asia to develop a automotive industry, supported by the domestic market. But Indonesia did not become the “Detroit of Asia” as Thailand, or establish national brands as Malaysia. On the contrary, Indonesia is a “huge market without technology,” an “Industry Without Industrialization.”
This paper adopts an institutionalist approach with three aspects – state intervention, government-business relations, and transnational industrial division – to explain why Indonesia’s automotive industry has been limited by the structure of political economy. We find that(1)in the industrial development period, state intervention policies did not “learn from” and “manage” the market, (2)local capitals did not establish a supply chain industry or government-business relations, thus lacking motivation for partnership in industrial transformation, and ( 3 ) a lack of foreign technology transfer deterred the industry’s progress. Despite having a large support market, Indonesia's automotive industry has not attained a desired level of development.
In conclusion, this paper discovers that the key to developing an automobile industry in Indonesia is “Institutional Transformation.” Industrial policies must benefit all parties, and if coupled with growths of local enterprises and learning, Indonesian automobile industry may finally utilize its advantages for industrial upgrading.
本文提出雙重政商關係的理論架構以探討中國因素對臺灣媒體自我審查的影響力消長。本文主張:臺灣媒體實施外導型自我審查的程度,取決 於其跨海峽政商關係與在地政商關係的相對強度。針對旺中集團與三立集團的比較個案研究發現:當某臺灣媒體的跨海峽政商關係比在地政商關係更加強化時,該媒體便會採取或增加外導型自我審查;而當其在地政商關係比跨海峽政商關係更加強化時,則會減少或取消外導型自我審查。本研究結果有助於了解中國因素影響力消長的條件、補充現有研究對於媒體自我審查增減的解釋..
This article provides a theoretical framework of dual government-business relations to explore the rise and decline of China’s influence on Taiwanese media’s self-censorship. It argues that the extent to which a Taiwanese media firm conducts external-induced self-censorship under Beijing’s influence hinges on the relative strength between its local and cross-strait government- business relations. The comparative case study of the Want Want-China Times Media Group and the Sanlih E-Television Group indicates t..
2006年9月19日泰國爆發字1991年以來首次的軍事政變,結束了長達近一年的反塔克辛運動,總理塔克辛(Thaksin Shinawatra)被迫下台並流亡海外,臨時政府預計將以一年的時間進行政治改革,修訂新憲法與重新舉行國會大選,塔克辛時代正式宣告結束。事實上,2001年時塔克辛率領泰愛泰黨(Thai Rak Thai Party)以極大的差距擊敗民主黨(Democrat Party),順利當選泰國總理,歷經四年的執政之後,再度於2005年獲得連任。儘管塔克辛具有龐大民意的支持,但由於..
The first coup d’etat since 1991 in Thailand on 19 September 2006 ended not only the year-long anti-Thaksin demonstrations, but also Thaksin’s political career. The provisional government, led by General Sonthi Boonyaratglin, organized by the Council for Democratic Reform (CDR), was determined to restore a democratic government, to revise the new constitution, and hold a general election within one year. In the 2001 general election, Thaksin Shinawatra led the Thai Rak Thai (TRT) Party and triumphantly defeated the Democratic Pa..
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