近 400 年來的歐洲,是主權國家平等的「西發里亞體系」,以權力平衡維繫國際秩序;近 600 年以來的東亞,則是中國為天朝而四方小國臣服的「朝貢體系」,是上下層級的國際秩序。為何會有「朝貢體系」?它為何能運作?從現實主義式的觀點來看,「朝貢體系」只是一個包裝過的權力政治,骨子裡仍是物質上的利害與效益計算,中國霸權之下區域國家抵抗無望,不得不臣服。但是,從建構主義式的觀點來看,之所以會有「朝貢體系」的國際秩序,並不只是因為中國的強大,也是因為區域國家認同中國的文化,中國於是才有了領導的正當性。究竟這兩種觀點孰是孰非?本研究嘗試以歷來與中國朝貢關係最密切的朝鮮為案例,實際從其 1618 至 1637 年 間,在明朝與清朝之間選擇的決策過程,檢驗他決定服從中國的真實理由,以進一步了解東亞「朝貢體系」的國際秩序。本文從中發現,建構主義式的論點獲得驗證。
For nearly four centuries, Europe had the so-called Westphalian System of sovereign states, in which balance of power was the basis of international order. In contrast, for nearly six centuries, East Asia had the so-called “tribute system,” a hierarchical order where China was the supreme leader. Why? From a realist perspective, the tribute system was just a wrapper over power politics based on material calculations of interest and benefit: East Asian countries had no choice but submission to China’s hegemony. However, from a constructivist perspective, the tribute system was not just caused by China’s hegemony. The shared sino-centric culture in the region was equally important. China gained the legitimacy of leadership due to its cultural achievements. Which of these two arguments is valid? This study attempts to answer this question by exploring China’s closest tributary country, Korea. By tracing Korea’s decision-making processes from 1618 to 1637 in detail, this study can uncover the true logic behind Korea’s submissiveness to China and thus improve our understanding toward the East Asian tribute system. In the end, constructivist perspective is confirmed.
傳統國際關係研究在討論霸權的相關課題時,多是探索霸權相對權力優勢的消長,認為失去權力優勢的霸權,將難逃新興國家的挑戰,霸權交替萌起於無可避免的霸權戰爭。國關學界依順國際政治是一種權力競爭的思路,多是以物質權力作為評量霸權的基準,相對忽視權威暨治理正當性等因素在構成霸業的作用,進而忽略霸權領導的治理權威,霸權如何維繫霸業的討論,更限縮在有限的強制宰制,忽視正當性對強化霸權統御的作用。 本文試圖檢驗權威在霸權治理過程中所扮演的角色與作用,以..
IR studies on hegemony have paid much attention on the relative decline and uprising of powers, which has constituted the perspective that the factors of uneven-growth will cause the downfall of hegemony and the rising power will replace the old one after the former poses great challenges to the declining hegemon and wins the hegemonic war. Though the term of hegemony has deeply implied the characters of leadership, IR generally defines the hegemony as an international order within which one state constitute her dominance wit..
自一帶一路倡議提出以來,中國藉以外交政策與經濟治略的雙重政策,在周邊區域深植影響力。位於周邊的國家大量接收來自北京的經濟挹注與開發援助,大多正面回應中國提供的誘因。然而,政府之間的合作成果,卻在民間社會上形成看法不一的情況,對中國一帶一路下基礎建設的反饋程度也不盡相同。本文以越南平順省(Tỉnh Bình Thuận)永新電力中心(Trung tâm nhiệt điện Vĩnh Tân)為例,審視各電廠所造成的環境汙染、經濟生計、健康 問..
Since the Belt and Road Initiative(BRI)was launched in 2013, China has adopted a variety of diplomatic and economic policies to enhance its political influence in the world. Among those policies were offering multi- billion-dollar infrastructure and investment deals across Southeast Asia, which were received positively and enthusiastically by the majority of the Southeast Asian governments. Yet, a row between supporters and opponents toward BRI of the civil society in these countries remains unsolved. To elaborate on this row..
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