受到越來越多新興民主國家制訂半總統制憲法的影響，對於半總統制的相關研究也越來越受到重視。依照學界對半總統制的定義，威瑪共和與芬蘭都在 1919 年設計出符合半總統制內涵的憲法，可說是當代最早的兩個半總統制的個案。這兩個國家的憲政運作卻有完全相反的結果:威瑪在 1933 年崩潰，而芬蘭先是渡過經濟危機，更在 80 年代逐漸往議會制轉型。本文擬就制度與非制度因素的互動，討論這兩個個案運作的迥異結果。本文將從憲法理論做比較的出發點，分析兩種不同理論基礎的半總統制憲..

As democratization spread in Eastern and Central Europe over the last two decades, Semi-Presidentialism has become a concept with more attention paid when discussing constitutional issues. By definition, the Weimar Republic and Finland were two of the initial experiments of semi- presidentialism. However, the constitutional practices in the Weimar Republic and Finland are worlds apart. Both semi-presidential, the Weimar Republic had broken down but Finland became a quasi-parliamentary democracy. This paper intends on discussi..

法國與臺灣的政府體制都屬於半總統制，法國的憲政經驗中曾出現過三次的「左右共治」，臺灣的憲政經驗中卻從未出現過「藍綠共治」，何以如此?這是本文欲探討的課題。本文藉助賽局理論作為分析工具，探討制度安排如何影響行動者間的策略互動，以致最後產生了共治與否的差異。法國與臺灣擁有不同的選舉制度和不同的國會保障機制，在兩種制度因素的交互作用下，會引導分屬不同政黨陣營的總統和國會多數產生不同的政治計算與策略互動，最終導致法國出現「左右共治」，臺灣卻沒有出現「藍綠共治」。 ..

Both France and Taiwan’s political systems are semi-presidential. However, “cohabitation” in French constitutional experience has occurred three times while Taiwan has never seen “cohabitation” until now. Finding the reason for this difference is the central question of this paper. By using the game theory as an analysis tool, the paper explores how the institutional design influences the actors’ strategic interactions, which underlies the discrepancy between France and Taiwan in “coh..