2004 年及 2007 年歐盟兩次東擴後已有 27 個會員國,但目前仍有許多國家期望未來可以加入歐盟。對歐盟來說,繼續擴大歐洲穩定與民主區有助於歐洲大陸局勢之穩定,然其負面效應則是過多會員國可能有礙於更深層次的整合與有限資源應如何有效分配等問題。因此,歐盟對其鄰近國家採取一系列相關政策來整合目前歐盟與這些地區之互動,其主要政策工具即是歐盟睦鄰政策之推行,本文試圖釐清歐盟睦鄰政策初步實踐之效果。作者認為,睦鄰政策做為歐盟外交政策工具之一,其主要核心目標在於提供誘因協助夥伴國政治經濟發展、推展歐盟價值。從烏克蘭之案例分析可知歐盟睦鄰政策有協調整合歐盟處理對外事務之功效;對外則提供烏克蘭發展路徑圖,讓有心符合歐盟期望的夥伴國得以遵循特定發展路徑。不過本文也指出歐盟睦鄰政策可能潛在困境,該困境主要來自歐盟與夥伴國共識之不對稱,本文認為由於歐盟現階段內部共識不足、未提供有效且明顯之資源協助夥伴國,以及歐盟刻意採取模糊策略,未明言夥伴國未來能否取得正式會員國之身分,這可能無法滿足烏克蘭最終期待,若歐盟長期對此問題處理不當,將可能導致未來夥伴國對歐盟產生信心危機,並進而影響雙方互動關係與地緣政治發展。
There are 27 member states within the European Union after enlargements of 2004 and 2007; many others are still trying to join the EU recently. The inclusion of more states is conducive to the expansion of stability zone in the European continent but it will be at the cost of closer EU integration and resource distribution. The European Neighbourhood Policy is designed for enhanced cooperation after the fifth enlargement between EU and its partner countries and this article tries to explore the innate nature of policy goals and its practices. The author argues that the ENP and Common Foreign and Security Policy co-constitute the core of EU’s external actions in the sphere of promoting political and economic transformation around neighbour countries. The case of Ukraine depicts that the ENP acts as an internal cohesion on one side and provides policy instruments as roadmaps of development on the other side. Their major obstacle lies in the “vagueness in membership” and it could lead to putting a damper on Ukraine’s zeal to join the European community; it will have negative impacts on regional integration and possible geopolitical development.
2014 年 2 月爆發的烏克蘭危機是歐洲當前最嚴肅的區域安全挑戰,這不僅是因為烏克蘭危機使得歐洲再度出現區域衝突情勢,同時也因列強介入而使得地緣競爭強度漸趨激烈。學界多探討烏克蘭危機及其背後的歐洲地緣競爭意涵,然較少從烏克蘭內部安全策略選擇的角度分析,本文嘗試補充此等觀點,從內部因素出發,分析烏克蘭內部政治如何影響區域危機的發生。 本文認為:第一,烏克蘭受制於強權競爭,使烏克蘭與其他中間地帶國家,都必須在左右強權互動格局下進行回應與策..
Ukraine is situated strategically between EU and Russia. The outbreak of the Euromaidan Revolution(February 2014)designates the advent of severe geopolitical competition in the European continent. Though it is crucial to understand this competition through the lens of great power rivalry, small and medium countries that exert certain leverages between great powers also warrant our attention. We argue that the domestic approach is suitable to explain the transformation of Ukraine’s security choices. We first develop an a..
蘇聯自 1922 年建立後,在主權的實踐上有兩重要的轉折點,一是 1922 年的建立,是透過條約的簽訂而組成。也就是 1922 年的蘇聯在本質上具有「邦聯」的性質。但是,隨著 1924 年蘇聯憲法的通過,「邦聯」的蘇聯轉換 成「聯邦」的蘇聯,原來俄羅斯聯邦、烏克蘭、白俄羅斯及外高加索聯邦四個共和國主權的安排,透過憲法架構下「自由退出權」的設計得到妥協。在這樣的架構下,蘇聯體制的變異性成為一個特殊的現象。這種變異性使蘇聯在聯合國創立之初,就出現「一國三席」的特..
During its establishment in 1922 and political transformation in 1924, the USSR transformed from a confederation to a federation through the Soviet Constitution in 1924. As a result, four sovereignties, including the original Russian SFSR, the Ukrainian SSR, the Byelorussian SSR, and the Transcaucasian SFSR, were entitled free exit rights as a compromise under the constitutional framework. This structure led to a unique phenomenon where one nation had three seats at the UN. While the USSR served as a permanent member in the U..
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