本文檢視在後冷戰時代石油美元機制對美國霸權之影響,並關注美國領導地位在 1991 年波灣、2003 年伊拉克與 2011 年利比亞等戰爭中的角色。在處理國際事務中,美國霸權逐漸採行單邊行動,因而產生合法性危機之質疑。因此自 1990 年以來,美國便宣稱願意承擔昂貴之經濟成本與犧牲其國家之利益,以便與他國建立聯盟共同對抗流氓國家之威脅。美國能以維繫穩定之國際經濟秩序,與贏得反恐作戰之合法性名義發動先制戰爭。為了理解這一看似非理性之行為,根基於 Pierre Bourdieu 關於象徵性資本之概念上,我們提出「炫耀性利他主義」以解釋美國與其盟國採取昂貴成本行動背後的原由。此外,我們更進一步指出傳遞此種「炫耀性利他主義」信息之目的,在於維繫「石油美元」此一能捍衛美元信用的系統。如此,透過作為全球儲備貨幣之美元,美國將能提升其霸權地位。
This paper explores the impact of petrodollar mechanism on the hegemony of the United States in the post-Cold War era. It particularly focuses on the two wars against Iraq respectively in 1991 and in 2003 and the Libyan war in 2011, all under the leadership of the U.S. The U.S. hegemony has been experiencing a legitimacy crisis caused by its increasing tendency towards unilateral actions in international affairs. In order to form alliances among Western nations to confront the rogue states, the U.S. government has demonstrated its willingness to bear economic losses and sacrifice its national interests ever since the 1990s. The United States was engaged in preemptive wars on terrorism to regain its legitimacy of maintaining a stable international economic order. The victories proved to be costly. To analyze such seemingly irrational behaviors, we propose the concept of “conspicuous altruism,” based on Pierre Bourdieu’s notion of symbolic capital, to find the rationale underlying the costly military actions taken by the U.S. and its allies. We further argue that the “conspicuous altruism” signals the U.S. intention to maintain the petrodollar system, which then secures the credibility of the dollars. The U.S. can reaffirm the Dollar’s status as a global reserve currency, thereby enhancing its hegemonic status.
由於提供數位經濟服務的跨國公司不須在市場國建立恆久據點,導致利潤來源地政府無法適用傳統的常設機構原則進行課稅。面對此項國際稅收分配的挑戰,經濟暨合作發展組織(Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development, OECD)在2013年公告「防止稅基侵蝕與利潤移轉計畫」 (BEPS),試圖建立一致的課稅替代方案。然而,部分國家後續卻自行開徵數位服務稅,美國川普政府對這些國家威脅使用301條款並發起關稅報復,直到2021年美國拜登政府支..
Host countries cannot tax digital multinational corporations (MNCs) based on the traditional permanent establishment principle because digital services are intangible. To address this challenge, the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) initiated the “Base Erosion and Profit Shifting” (BEPS) multilateral regime in 2013. Nonetheless, several host countries hunting for revenue unilaterally adopted digital service taxes, and the US Trump administration responded with Section 301 tariff retaliation from 2019 t..
現有國際關係對於霸權的已有論述,大多試圖描述國際體系出現逐霸國家的原因,卻少有探索逐霸國家的行為策略,對於逐霸國家如何克服各種挑戰,組建層級霸權秩序,尚未提出具體的分析模型。本文擬填補逐霸理論空白,概念化逐霸國家行為,提出逐霸分析架構,觀察逐霸國家在逐霸過程中如何克服競逐資格,地位汰除,以及新層級秩序組建的三大挑戰。戰國時代秦國先後淘汰魏國、楚國與齊國等逐霸競爭對手的歷程,是本文的研究樣本。公元前356年秦孝公變法改革,秦國強固內部統治權威,運用內部權力成長途徑(Internal Pow..
Existing International Relations Studies’ arguments on the hegemony are mostly satisfied with describing the birth of hegemon in the international system, but rarely explored its behavior and strategies for obtaining the supreme status of hegemony. There is no specific research framework for exploring how the aspiring hegemon overcomes challenges and establishes a hierarchical hegemonic order in the international society. This paper intends to fill the theoretical gap of hegemony studies, conceptualizes aspiring hegemon’s behavi..
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