學界一般認為，冷戰結束後，隨著中國的快速崛起，包括越南在內的東亞小國對中國所採取的外交策略偏向「避險」或「接納」。文獻指出除了加強與中國的關係外，越南亦主動與各大國交好，並強調其要走著一個獨立、自主、多元且多方化的外交政策路線，此被視為越南對中國的「避險」策略。然而，本文認為有關越南對中國政策的分析較為單向，即大部分僅著重在越中關係本身的推拉力，而忽略了美國在其中的主動角色。 因此，無法說明越南對中政策近期的動態變化。本文的論點是，基於安全與國家利益的考量，..

The conventional wisdom assumes that East Asian countries have been adopting “hedging” or “accommodating” strategy toward China since the end of the Cold War. By putting forward an “independent, diversified and multidirectional foreign policy,” Vietnam has attempted to strengthen relations with a number of major powers, including China. As a result, Hanoi is regarded as a typical “hedger” towards Beijing. This paper, on the contrary, argues that the relating analyses on Vietnam&..

本文起源於兩大研究問題:誰在治理中國的糧食安全?中國糧食安全嗎?因此使用聯合國糧食安全定義分析中國大陸糧食安全治理機制與治理狀況，主要發現有兩點:第一是糧食議題的安全化進展。聯合國雖然從 1970 年代中葉就開始進行糧食議題的安全化，並且逐步在 1970 年代將糧食充足性，1980 年代將糧食可取得性，1990 年代將食物使用性等項目列入糧食安全的指標中，但是氣候變遷卻在 21 世紀初期成為威脅糧食安全的新變數，使得糧食供需及取得的穩定性在近期成為糧食安全的..

This paper arises from an attempt to answer the two following questions: (1)Who is responsible for China’s food security governance?(2)Is China’s food security status secured? Definition of food security constructed by the United Nations(UN)was applied to analyze China’s food security governance and status, with two important findings. First, regarding securitization of the food issues, while the UN has gradually taken food availability(since the 1970s), accessibility(since the 1980s), and utilization and sa..