近廿年來中俄關係已從友好的、建設性的成為戰略性的夥伴關係,進入中俄前所未有之友好高峰期。實際上,中俄戰略協作夥伴關係是中俄的權力分布共識與利益匯集於因應美國霸權的威脅,由於美國對外戰略牽動中、俄關係的發展,中俄雙邊互動也影響著大國權力平衡關係。中俄戰略協作夥伴關係的本質除了有關平衡美國霸權外,既有的雙邊共識與追求利益張力似正影響著雙邊關係的發展。隨著美國單極的鬆動與中國的崛起,中俄關係逐漸偏離傳統權力平衡的意涵,轉為更為複雜的「制度性平衡」。因此,本文結合新現實主義、新自由主義、建構主義等三大學派不同面向的建制觀──權力、利益、認知的分析折衷主義和制度性平衡,去觀察二十年來的中俄關係,更能窺知中俄戰略協作夥伴關係發展的全貌。中俄雙邊反覆多變的關係變遷,中俄戰略夥伴關係本質的變化,以及中俄雙邊將如何建構未來關係,都是本文所欲探討的課題。
In the last two decades, China-Russia relations have turned from “friendly” and “constructive,” to “strategic partnership” and reached an unprecedented peak. Indeed, the nature of the China-Russia strategic partnership is based on the consensus of power distribution in East Asia, while facing threats from the United States hegemony and bilateral economic interdependence. The diplomatic strategy of the United States not only affects the development and bilateral interaction of China-Russia relations, but also influences the balance of power among great powers of East Asia. The bilateral consensus to counterbalance U.S. hegemony and tension in pursuing state interests have deepened the China-Russia strategic partnership. With the wavering U.S. unipolar system and the rise of China as a world power, the relationship between China and Russia has gradually deviated from the traditional “balance of power” to “institutional balancing.” This paper analyzes the development of China-Russia relations in the past twenty years from an integrated model of “analytical eclecticism” and “institutional balancing” in terms of power, interest, and identity. Utilizing the perspectives of the three schools: neorealism, neo-liberal institutionalism, and social constructivism, the purpose is to understand the motives, trends and future developments of the China-Russia strategic partnership.
自一帶一路倡議提出以來,中國藉以外交政策與經濟治略的雙重政策,在周邊區域深植影響力。位於周邊的國家大量接收來自北京的經濟挹注與開發援助,大多正面回應中國提供的誘因。然而,政府之間的合作成果,卻在民間社會上形成看法不一的情況,對中國一帶一路下基礎建設的反饋程度也不盡相同。本文以越南平順省(Tỉnh Bình Thuận)永新電力中心(Trung tâm nhiệt điện Vĩnh Tân)為例,審視各電廠所造成的環境汙染、經濟生計、健康 問..
Since the Belt and Road Initiative(BRI)was launched in 2013, China has adopted a variety of diplomatic and economic policies to enhance its political influence in the world. Among those policies were offering multi- billion-dollar infrastructure and investment deals across Southeast Asia, which were received positively and enthusiastically by the majority of the Southeast Asian governments. Yet, a row between supporters and opponents toward BRI of the civil society in these countries remains unsolved. To elaborate on this row..
2014 年 2 月爆發的烏克蘭危機是歐洲當前最嚴肅的區域安全挑戰,這不僅是因為烏克蘭危機使得歐洲再度出現區域衝突情勢,同時也因列強介入而使得地緣競爭強度漸趨激烈。學界多探討烏克蘭危機及其背後的歐洲地緣競爭意涵,然較少從烏克蘭內部安全策略選擇的角度分析,本文嘗試補充此等觀點,從內部因素出發,分析烏克蘭內部政治如何影響區域危機的發生。 本文認為:第一,烏克蘭受制於強權競爭,使烏克蘭與其他中間地帶國家,都必須在左右強權互動格局下進行回應與策..
Ukraine is situated strategically between EU and Russia. The outbreak of the Euromaidan Revolution(February 2014)designates the advent of severe geopolitical competition in the European continent. Though it is crucial to understand this competition through the lens of great power rivalry, small and medium countries that exert certain leverages between great powers also warrant our attention. We argue that the domestic approach is suitable to explain the transformation of Ukraine’s security choices. We first develop an a..
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