自 90 年代中期以來,學界對於恐怖主義的研究正日益深化,反恐措施也推陳出新。不過,恐怖主義攻擊卻未因此減少,反而從過去盛行的中東地區和發展中國家蔓延到威權的前蘇聯各國以及已開發國家。參與者也從過去的反殖民建國訴求者,擴大為宗教和其他激進運動的獻身者;手段上更普遍地採取自殺攻擊,而不在乎組織形象聲名狼藉和人員的損失。似乎強大的國家,其安全與反擊措施越嚴厲,越激發攻擊者的鬥志。這種「越挫越奮」的異常現象,對傳統的國關理論構成了不小的挑戰。 ..
National security is traditionally comprehended in terms of the rationalist approach, of which the physical boundaries and the static “Self” of nation states are taken for granted. The concept of “security dilemma” is accordingly understood as the conflicting tendency between nations in the process of defense build-up. However, this article argues that another type of “security dilemma” should not be ignored: the more the units increase its physical capabilities, the less secure they are, d..
「第三屆聯合國海洋法會議」係迄今為止,聯合國所召開時間最長且規模最大的一次國際立法會議,部分學者將此會議的成功,歸因於「包裹交易」或「大國政治」的折衝。本文援引社會學領域的相關討論,使用 「意義框架」取代溫特的「共享概念」,對國際關係領域中的國際會議決策制定提出分析架構與可操作的觀察指標。此分析架構中的意義框架與行 為體行為兩者互為因果,處於一種動態的建構關係,而「共同期待」係為兩者的中介,若符合期待,兩者便趨於穩定;反之,則面臨調整。本文透過自1930年「國際法編纂會議」到1982年「..
The Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS III) might be the largest and longest international law codification conference thus far. Some scholars attribute the success of this conference to the “package deal” or “great power politics.” This paper adopts the view of constructivism and cites relevant discussions in the field of sociology and replaces Wendt’s “shared ideas” with “meaning framework” for proposing a new analysis framework with operational indicators fo..
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