中日第二次戰爭(即對日抗戰,1937~1945 年)時期,交戰各方為爭奪南洋華僑群眾支持,遂發展政治論述(discourse)。由於「國族」(nation)並非東亞固有觀念,因此華僑國族認同成為當時重要課題。本研究將以戰時各方之調查報告、政策文獻、外交檔案為核心,研究「國共汪日」四方之華僑政治論述基礎、主要政策與華僑群體的應對過程。研究發現:華僑社群原接受中國傳統思想,以各種親屬與文化關係維繫對中國認同,故國民政府在當時以各種團體為中介,實行「抗日救國」的國族主義論述;與此對立,日本帝國宣傳「東亞共榮」之階層秩序,以現代型主權國家認同試圖取代傳統認同。此外,還有汪政府以亞洲主義為主軸,主張使用「亞洲民族」之觀念; 延安政府主要跟隨國府之國族主義,但亦提出扶植華僑獨立與解放殖民地的左翼政治主張。綜上所述,鑑於戰時對華僑的政治論述之多元性,乃是觀察東亞近現代政治論述與華僑國族認同之良好參考點。
During the Second Sino-Japanese War, a.k.a. War of Resistance (1937~1945), both China and Japan attempted to gain support from overseas Chinese using their different political discourses. The concept of “nation” was not originated in East Asia but highly propagandized during this war period. This article analyzed and compared various discourses on overseas Chinese mobilization submitted by four actors─Chiang(Choung- ching government ), Wang ( Nanking government ), Mao ( Yen-an government), and Empire Japan ─ using documents, reports and diplomatic files at that time. This article found that overseas Chinese basically accepted the traditional Chinese thought and were connected by kinship to be an identical group. The Choung-ching government emphasized on nationalism in order to appeal overseas Chinese to “Defend Japan, Save Nation”. On the other hand, Japan presented “Greater East Asia” to overseas Chinese to seek their corporation. The Nanking government adopted the viewpoint similar to Japan while promoting Sun Yet Sen’s “Great Asianism,” but the discourse was not complete. Finally, Mao’s discourse followed those of the Choung- ching government, while encouraging anti-colonization and independence with a leftist perspective. In conclusion, this study on multiple discourses on overseas Chinese may provide a historical reference in East Asian political studies.
本文探討一個認同對外交政策的影響,並以「芬蘭化」的概念為例。外交政策基本上是對「我群/我們」概念的回應,而一個政治社群諸如「我們是誰?」、「在世界上的角色和地位」對問題的回答,則大致是穩定的。爬梳一個社群對「我們」概念如「民族」與「國家」的理解與論述方式,將有助於解釋該社群之外交政策的大致走向。 「芬蘭化」(Finlandization)一詞源於 1948 年芬蘭與蘇聯之協定,意指小國在其對外行為上,主動將大國之國家利益納入考量,不做出..
This paper explores the impact of identity on foreign policy, with the idea of “Finlandization” as an empirical case. Foreign policy can be conceptualized as a response to “we” concepts, and a political community’s answers to such questions as “who we are” and “our roles and places in the world” are generally stable. It is thus helpful to grasp the general tendency of a community’s foreign policy if the ways in which it understands and organizes the basic “we&r..
針對漸行漸遠的兩岸關係,對岸近年推出一系列的惠台、交流政策,試圖強化兩岸民間互動,促進雙方和平統一。此類政策核心環節之一是兩岸的青年交流,自 2004 年以降,邀訪活動即不斷擴大規模,參與頗為熱絡,但此類政策能否發揮部分人士憂慮的政治影響,目前似未見系統的實證研究。 有鑒於此,作者乃透過深度訪談,搭配以問卷分析,探討此類交流接觸經驗,能否轉變參與者的政治認知及政治認同。根據作者研究發現,參與此類活動後,台灣青年既有的刻板印象,產生相當顯著的變化,但若觸及深層..
To break the stalemate of today’s cross-Strait relations, China has formulated a series of policies recently to promote cross-Strait exchanges and in the end to create pro-unification interests in Taiwan society. One of the key elements of these policies is hosting student teams from Taiwan for a short visit to China. Since the year 2004, these student teams have attracted thousands of Taiwan college students each year and through these teams, the students had first-hand contacts with the Mainland Chinese society. But t..
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