二次世界大戰後,若干國家為使其外匯存底或公共基金產生更佳的增長效益,開始由政府設置主權財富基金,近年來其規模急遽膨脹而備受矚目,2007 年較 2006 年增加 18%而為 3.3 兆美元,預估至 2015 年將超過 12 兆美元。2008 年開始因美國次級房貸所引發的全球金融危機,主權財富基金成為許多國家與企業救亡圖存的希望。從國際政治經濟學的角度來看,符合「相互依存理論」與全球化理論中「過程論」的觀點;但在迅速發展下也出現了若干問題,不但動輒影響國際金融市場,在資訊不對稱的情況下也形成相當之政經風險,並引發其他國家的猜疑。
After World War II, in order to obtain better growth performance from the large foreign exchange reserves or public funds, several new financial institutions in East Asia and oil-producing countries in the Middle East started to have their governments establishing the Sovereign Wealth Fund. The Sovereign Wealth Fund has attracted wide attention as their scales rapidly expanded in recent years. The fund scale increased by 18% in 2007, as compared to 2006, and reached USD 330 billion. It is estimated that the funds will exceed USD 12 trillion in 2015. The large capital of the Sovereign Wealth Fund appeared especially important in the 2008 global financial crisis caused by the subprime mortgage crisis in the U.S, and became the lifesaver to countries and companies on the verge of bankruptcy. Basically, from the perspective of international political economics, the development of the Sovereign Wealth Fund conforms to the Interdependency Theory and the Process Theory in the globalization theories. However, on the other hand, the rapid development of the Sovereign Wealth Fund has led to several problems, which not only influence international financial markets, but also trigger political and economical risks under information asymmetry that leads to suspicions of other countries. In particular, China, the world’s largest holder of foreign exchange reserves, established the Sovereign Wealth Fund in 2007, as its socialist government structure and authoritative dictatorship governance, as well as the increasingly evident international political and economical strength, have aroused international concerns. However, whether it will make the “Statist Theory” that stresses commercialism becoming a mainstream deserves further observations.
本文探討台灣國際政治經濟學領域自2010年至2021年之間的發展情況。針對國內的TSSCI期刊、科技部計畫、學位論文和專書之中與國際政治經濟學相關研究者進行資料蒐集,並藉由描述性統計方法呈現研究議題與研究方法的分布情況。除此之外,本文亦比較國內國際政治經濟學研究成果與美國國際政治經濟學會年會文章在研究議題與研究方法上的差異。本研究分析顯示,國內國際政治經濟學研究與美國國際政治經濟學會年會文章同樣關注議題為國際貿易、國際貨幣與金融和經濟投資與援助。然而相較之下,國內研究較缺乏人口遷徙、全球..
This paper attempts to provide an overview of Taiwan's International Political Economy (IPE) studies from 2010-2021. We collect the data from Taiwanese academic materials, including Taiwan Social Sciences Citation Index (TSSCI) journals, Ministry of Science and Technology projects, theses and dissertations, and scholarly books. We rely on descriptive statistics analysis to present the distribution of research subjects and methods in each academic material. In addition, we also compare the analytical results of Taiwanese IPE studies with..
本文屬於規範性的研究,在於提出個人對於國際永久和平的看法。本文分為六個部分。首先,對於歷史上曾經出現過的國際和平思想進程進行析論;其次,探討目前有無可能跳越「國家」這個長久存在的和平論述主體? 第三,嘗試解開和平論述的傳統面紗,將和平論述的主體從抽象的「國家」 轉移到更為實質的「政府」;第四,介紹「開放和平論」的理論基礎;第五,探究「開放政治市場」在歷史發展過程中曾經有過的若干實踐經驗及其意義;最後,則是對「開放政治市場」的內涵及實踐可行性表述。「開放政治市..
This article is normative in nature; it attempts to delineate the author’s view on international peace in six parts. It begins with a review of the development of international peace theory, and then advances to a discussion on the possibility of skipping the “state”—the long established subject in peace discourse—in our probing of the issue in point. The third part attempts to shift the abstract subject of the “state” in traditional peace discourse to a more substantial one of the &l..
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