相對於泰國與馬來西亞,印尼是東南亞最早發展汽車業的國家,也有內需市場支撐,但是印尼並沒有像泰國成為亞洲的底特律,也沒有如馬來西亞建立起國家汽車品牌,而成為「有市場無技術」的「無科技工業化」。本文以政治經濟學領域中的「制度分析」途徑,就國家干預、政商關係、跨國產業分工等三個角度分析印尼汽車產業失靈的原因。受限於印尼政治經濟的結構因素,本文發現印尼汽車產業失靈的原因在於:在產業發展時期國家的干預政策沒有「學習」與「管理」市場;本土資本未建立產業所需相對的供應鏈,汽車鉅子「亞洲教父」的政商關係的利益共生,國家機關與產業部門也就缺乏產業轉型的「合夥」(partnership)動機;外資並未技術移轉,無法帶動產業進步。即使有龐大的市場支撐,現今印尼汽車產業並未達到應有的發展水準。本文提出:未來印尼汽車產業發展的關鍵在於政治經濟的「制度轉型」。汽車產業政策必須建構在能順利推進讓全體民共享利益,如果加上本土企業的成長與學習,具天生發展優勢的印尼汽車產業才有進一步產業升級的可能。
With respect to Thailand and Malaysia, Indonesia was first in Southeast Asia to develop a automotive industry, supported by the domestic market. But Indonesia did not become the “Detroit of Asia” as Thailand, or establish national brands as Malaysia. On the contrary, Indonesia is a “huge market without technology,” an “Industry Without Industrialization.”
This paper adopts an institutionalist approach with three aspects – state intervention, government-business relations, and transnational industrial division – to explain why Indonesia’s automotive industry has been limited by the structure of political economy. We find that(1)in the industrial development period, state intervention policies did not “learn from” and “manage” the market, (2)local capitals did not establish a supply chain industry or government-business relations, thus lacking motivation for partnership in industrial transformation, and ( 3 ) a lack of foreign technology transfer deterred the industry’s progress. Despite having a large support market, Indonesia's automotive industry has not attained a desired level of development.
In conclusion, this paper discovers that the key to developing an automobile industry in Indonesia is “Institutional Transformation.” Industrial policies must benefit all parties, and if coupled with growths of local enterprises and learning, Indonesian automobile industry may finally utilize its advantages for industrial upgrading.
2006年9月19日泰國爆發字1991年以來首次的軍事政變,結束了長達近一年的反塔克辛運動,總理塔克辛(Thaksin Shinawatra)被迫下台並流亡海外,臨時政府預計將以一年的時間進行政治改革,修訂新憲法與重新舉行國會大選,塔克辛時代正式宣告結束。事實上,2001年時塔克辛率領泰愛泰黨(Thai Rak Thai Party)以極大的差距擊敗民主黨(Democrat Party),順利當選泰國總理,歷經四年的執政之後,再度於2005年獲得連任。儘管塔克辛具有龐大民意的支持,但由於..
The first coup d’etat since 1991 in Thailand on 19 September 2006 ended not only the year-long anti-Thaksin demonstrations, but also Thaksin’s political career. The provisional government, led by General Sonthi Boonyaratglin, organized by the Council for Democratic Reform (CDR), was determined to restore a democratic government, to revise the new constitution, and hold a general election within one year. In the 2001 general election, Thaksin Shinawatra led the Thai Rak Thai (TRT) Party and triumphantly defeated the Democratic Pa..
國家機關(the State)是否利用國家資源干預市場(the Market)、國家機關是否應選擇某些特定產業加以扶植(selective policy)?這些投入資源是否能被有效達成發展的目的?是政治經濟學界有關「新古典經濟學派」與 「發展型國家學派」爭辯的焦點。在東協國家中,同樣自 1970 年代發展汽車產業,為何泰國與馬來西亞的汽車產業發展出現差距?差距是否源自國家機關與產業政策互動的結果?本研究藉由探討馬來西亞與泰國汽車產業的發展歷程,試圖比較與論證..
Whether should the state interfere the market by using state resources? Should the state cultivate certain industries? Does the state resources work to help the state achieve developmental goals? These are the arguments between the ‘New Classical Economics School’ and the ‘National Development School’. Automobile industries in both Thailand and Malaysia developed in the 1970s with governmental interference but the development in the two countries diverged. Does the difference come from the interactions..
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