美中貿易戰宣告了兩國在國際政治的競爭局勢正式展開,2019年後的疫情更形加劇了兩國彼此的競爭關係。然而,美中對立下新冷戰的政治兩極化一定會造成國際貿易關係的兩極化嗎?世界各國真的會各自歸隊,在美國與中國之間擇一而處,形成兩極對立的局勢嗎?還是口頭上與行為上有差異,仍然依照國家自身的利益分別和美國和中國進行實質上的往來。本文即探討這個問題,比較疫情前後,國際貿易局勢的變化到底是趨向兩極化還是非兩極化。本文認為,新冷戰的局勢下,美中對立造成的政治兩極化無法避免,但政治兩極化不等於貿易關係兩極化,本文透過威脅平衡論的觀點,說明在缺乏安全議題誘因與貿易結構的兩大因素影響下,後疫情時代的國際結構將呈現政治兩極化,但貿易多元化的局面。
The U.S.-China trade war indicates a confrontation between the U.S. and China, and the pandemic problem since 2019 deteriorates the confrontation. However, will political polarization due to the new cold war between the U.S. and China lead to economic polarization? Do countries in the whole world choose their own sides between the U.S. and China, establishing two blocs and competing? Or countries in the whole world behave inconsistently in terms of verbal promises and practical actions. National interest is still their benchmark to have substantial interaction with the U.S. and China accordingly. This paper tries to answer the questions and compares the change in an international structure before and after the post US-China Trade War, whether economic polarization or not. This paper argues that the new cold war will ineluctably lead to political polarization, but political polarization doesn’t mean economic polarization. With the balance of threat theory, the manifestation of international structure in the post US-China Trade War will be political polarization but multi-polarization in international trade, when countries except for the U.S. have no security struggle with China and the trade patterns and structures remain the same.
過去多年間,中國在網路科技領域取得了突出的建設成果,成為當代國際網路事務要角。北京當局近期更提出「網路強國」戰略,試圖全面強化國家網路實力。中國在網路領域的進取,不僅對美國的固有優勢構成挑戰,也助長了美國政府對其戰略意圖的疑慮,從而增添雙邊關係的不穩定性。為瞭解中國網路建設藍圖與對美政策立場,本文審視了「網路強國」戰略的主要內容,及美國因素在其間的影響;同時透過國際關係研究中的「避險戰略」 探討中國對美網路互動態樣,說明中國政府如何在網路事務中,同步推動對美..
China has made huge advances in the field of cyber technology in the past few years and it is now an important player in international cyber affairs. Beijing recently introduced its ‘Cyber Power Strategy’ in a bid to comprehensively strengthen the nation’s cyber capabilities. China’s cyber ambitions not only constitute a real challenge to the U.S. but have also prompted concerns in Washington about China’s strategic purpose and have more uncertainty to their already unstable bilateral relations. ..
本文認為,「既有強權美國 vs. 崛起強權日本」(1931~1941)與「既有強權美國 vs. 崛起強權中國」(1993~2018)的比較,能為現今的美中關係提供許多建設性的思考。本文從既有強權的角度觀察其如何回應崛起強權;以Randall Schweller的歸納為基礎而建立一個相對完整的政策選擇全貌。作者發現:面對1931~1941年崛起的日本,美國先採「中立、綏靖」,後改採「制衡」,最終採「戰爭」。面對1993~2018年崛起的中國,美國以「交往」為基..
This paper argues that the comparative study of the two cases - the US dominant power vs. the Japan rising power (1931-1941) and the US dominant power vs. the China rising power (1993-2018) can provide ample constructive thinking on the contemporary US-China relations. This paper focuses on how a dominant power reacts to a rising power. An analytical framework of dominant powers’ policy options toward rising powers, based on Randall Schweller’s theories, is developed and applied to this study. This paper has found..
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