本文旨在探討歐盟與中國如何實踐戰略夥伴關係的目標,以及分析在過程中所面臨的阻礙。本文從歐盟與中國如何認知自身國際地位開始,檢視雙方從夥伴關係走向戰略夥伴關係的期望,評估在實質上是否具有此等關係的基礎,以及雙方為何在解除對中國軍售禁令以及承認中國市場經濟地位此二議題上遲遲無法取得共識。本文認為歐盟和中國對於戰略夥伴關係的認知並不明確,在具體議題上缺乏實質合作,因而難以取得突破性的發展。現今歐盟與中國的交往已經進入「務實省思期」,雙方都必須思考如何在現有的框架對話之外,進行具體的戰略合作,在重大國際議題上採取一致立場或聯合行動,才有可能產生戰略趨同,進而走向真正的戰略夥伴關係。而中國所推動的「新型大國關係」,預料將會增加中國對歐政策的主動姿態,並促使歐盟全面檢討對中國的政策,採取更為務實的態度來實踐與中國的戰略夥伴關係。
This article aims to examine the implementation of shaping the EU- China Strategic Partnership and investigate the obstacles they are encountering. Accordingly, the article will answer the following questions: (1)How do the EU and China define their strategic objectives?(2)What do they expect from the implementation of the strategic partnership?(3)Do they have fundamental consensus and benchmarks to shape this relationship? (4)Why does the EU reject to lift the arms embargo against China and refuse to recognise China’s market economy status?(5)Whether the negotiation for the PCA (Partnership and Cooperation Agreement) and the BIA (Bilateral Investment Agreement) between the two parties affects the implementation of a strategic partnership?
This article argues that due to the lack of strategic consensus to manage significant co-operation over critical international issues, it is difficult for the EU and China to achieve a true strategic partnership. Since the two parties are undergoing ‘a period of pragmatic reflection’, they have to consider how to fulfill the conclusions made in the summits, high-level meetings and sectored dialogues. Only if the EU and China can co-operate over international affairs, they are able to converge on mutual interests and build a real strategic partnership. Moreover, under the principle of ‘shaping a new type of great power relationship’, China is expected to play a more active role on the international scene. Therefore, the EU will have to undertake a more pragmatic approach to implement the EU-China strategic partnership.
本論文目的在於,針對韓國與臺灣及中國貿易結構,探討兩岸 ECFA 對韓臺經貿關係的影響。韓國與中華民國臺灣皆是以出口為導向的國家,經濟成長主要依靠對外出口。兩國的經濟、產業結構相似、出口市場重疊,在國際市場成為競爭對手。韓、臺最大的出口市場都是中國,對中國的主要出口產品同質性高,在中國市場難免形成激烈競爭。兩岸簽署 ECFA 之後,臺灣較韓國擁有較大的價格優勢,將會削弱韓國在中國市場的競爭力,這對韓國的外貿而言,堪稱一場災難。為了渡過兩岸簽署 ECFA 的難..
The goal of this paper is to examine impact of the ECFA on economic and trade relations between South Korea and Taiwan from trade structure among three counties. South Korea and the Republic of China at Taiwan are export-oriented countries that mainly rely on economic growth by export. Both countries have become competitive on the international market as their bilateral economic and industrial structures are similar and export markets overlapping. China is both countries’ largest export market and there exist homogeneit..
本文主要關注後冷戰時期,面對中國崛起,美中兩強與以「竹子外交」聞名的泰國如何相互應對與影響?本文主要研究問題為:一、促成美中泰三方互動結構轉變之重要政治事件為何?二、美中泰三方互動是否存在第三方影響?三、美中泰三角關係內部行為如何相互影響?透過時間序列分析,統計結果佐證911事件對美中泰三角關係產生了結構轉變之效應,而中國政經因素與泰國內政因素之衝擊有限。此外,統計結果也證實美中泰三角關係中,美中互動將促成泰國利用對美政策加以平衡回應,顯示泰國面對大國政治的..
Facing China’s rise in the post-Cold War era, how do great powers, like the United States, China, and Thailand, who is famous for its bamboo strategy, interact with each other? This paper aims to answer the question by analyzing (1) what events cause structural changes in the triangle; (2) how the third-party effect works in this triangle; (3) how the three actors influence each other. By applying time-series analyses, statistical results show that the 911 attack had led to a structural change for the triangle. The impa..
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