本文旨在探討歐盟與中國如何實踐戰略夥伴關係的目標,以及分析在過程中所面臨的阻礙。本文從歐盟與中國如何認知自身國際地位開始,檢視雙方從夥伴關係走向戰略夥伴關係的期望,評估在實質上是否具有此等關係的基礎,以及雙方為何在解除對中國軍售禁令以及承認中國市場經濟地位此二議題上遲遲無法取得共識。本文認為歐盟和中國對於戰略夥伴關係的認知並不明確,在具體議題上缺乏實質合作,因而難以取得突破性的發展。現今歐盟與中國的交往已經進入「務實省思期」,雙方都必須思考如何在現有的框架對話之外,進行具體的戰略合作,在重大國際議題上採取一致立場或聯合行動,才有可能產生戰略趨同,進而走向真正的戰略夥伴關係。而中國所推動的「新型大國關係」,預料將會增加中國對歐政策的主動姿態,並促使歐盟全面檢討對中國的政策,採取更為務實的態度來實踐與中國的戰略夥伴關係。
This article aims to examine the implementation of shaping the EU- China Strategic Partnership and investigate the obstacles they are encountering. Accordingly, the article will answer the following questions: (1)How do the EU and China define their strategic objectives?(2)What do they expect from the implementation of the strategic partnership?(3)Do they have fundamental consensus and benchmarks to shape this relationship? (4)Why does the EU reject to lift the arms embargo against China and refuse to recognise China’s market economy status?(5)Whether the negotiation for the PCA (Partnership and Cooperation Agreement) and the BIA (Bilateral Investment Agreement) between the two parties affects the implementation of a strategic partnership?
This article argues that due to the lack of strategic consensus to manage significant co-operation over critical international issues, it is difficult for the EU and China to achieve a true strategic partnership. Since the two parties are undergoing ‘a period of pragmatic reflection’, they have to consider how to fulfill the conclusions made in the summits, high-level meetings and sectored dialogues. Only if the EU and China can co-operate over international affairs, they are able to converge on mutual interests and build a real strategic partnership. Moreover, under the principle of ‘shaping a new type of great power relationship’, China is expected to play a more active role on the international scene. Therefore, the EU will have to undertake a more pragmatic approach to implement the EU-China strategic partnership.
近 400 年來的歐洲,是主權國家平等的「西發里亞體系」,以權力平衡維繫國際秩序;近 600 年以來的東亞,則是中國為天朝而四方小國臣服的「朝貢體系」,是上下層級的國際秩序。為何會有「朝貢體系」?它為何能運作?從現實主義式的觀點來看,「朝貢體系」只是一個包裝過的權力政治,骨子裡仍是物質上的利害與效益計算,中國霸權之下區域國家抵抗無望,不得不臣服。但是,從建構主義式的觀點來看,之所以會有「朝貢體系」的國際秩序,並不只是因為中國的強大,也是因為區域國家認同中國的..
For nearly four centuries, Europe had the so-called Westphalian System of sovereign states, in which balance of power was the basis of international order. In contrast, for nearly six centuries, East Asia had the so-called “tribute system,” a hierarchical order where China was the supreme leader. Why? From a realist perspective, the tribute system was just a wrapper over power politics based on material calculations of interest and benefit: East Asian countries had no choice but submission to China’s hegemon..
中國大陸自文革起歷經改革開放、中越戰爭、重要歷史決議案等重大轉變;同時日本的中國研究界內部也正進行世代交替的變化過程;加上兩岸公開史料,日中間學術交流、研究者相互長期在地研究等客觀情勢變化。日本中國研究因此開啟了約十年的轉型期,這個期間轉型並不朝向單一方向,而 是開始了各種多元的復甦。首先是在史觀上,在社會主義中國完全視為完全斷裂的「革命史觀」,轉變為強調連續性的「民國史觀」;第二是主體性與價值觀面向,擺脫完全依賴中共定義,建立日本「再評價」風潮;最後是方法..
Since the Cultural Revolution, Mainland China has experienced great transitions such as the Reform and the Open Period, the Sino-Vietnam War, and several historical political resolutions. Japan’s China Studies have also experienced several generational changes. Historical documents between Taiwan and China have been published. Scholarly exchanges between China and Japan have also increased, including the possibility of visiting scholars from one to the other. All these have contributed to the transition of Japan’s..
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